974.8

P383b

v.l,no.7

1676473

REYNOLDS HISTORICAL
GENEALOGY COLLECTION

t

SOME ACCOUN T

OP THE

BRITISH ARMY,

UNDER THE COMMAND OF GENERAL HOWE,

AND OF

THE BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE,

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ON

The Memorable September 11th, 1777,

AND

THE ADVENTURES OF THAT DAY, WHICH CAME TO THE KNOWLEDGE
AND OBSERVATION OF

JOSEPH TOWNSEND,

_

LATE OF BALTIMORE, J1D.

ACCOMPANIED BY

A NOTICE OF THE LIFE OF JOSEPH TOWNSEND, AND AN HISTORICAL
SKETCH OF THE BATTLE.

&C. &c.

PUBLISHED BY TOWNSEND WARD,

NO. 45 SOUTH FOURTH STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
Press of the Historical Society of Peansylvania. -

—L~ _ 1 846.

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1676473

PLAN OF THE BATTLE GROUND.

The accompanying plan, of the battle ground of Brandywine, is from an actual
survey made during the past summer, under the direction of John S. Bowen
and J. Smith Futhey, Esquires, of West Chester. The position of the British
and American forces, of many of the houses, and of the woods, as they existed,
was ascertained and laid down from a rare and valuable map kindly loaned the
committee by the Franklin Institute. As this map was published but a few
months after the battle, and is (in the opinion of gentlemen familiar with the
history and scene of the action) drawm with great accuracy, the committee have
followed it implicitly. It bears the following title :

“ Battle of Brandywine in which the rebels were defeated, September 11th,
“ 1777, by the army under the command of General Sir William Howe.”

Note. — “ The operations of the column under the command of his Excellency
“ Lieutenant General Knyphausen, is engraved from a plan drawn on the spot
“ by S. W. Werner, Lieutenant of Hessian Artillery, engraved by William Faden,
“ Charing Cross, 1778.”

“Published according to Act of Parliament, by Willliam Faden, Charing
“ Cross, (London,) April, 1778.”

The following references to the respective columns under the command of
Lord Cornwallis and General Knyphausen, are copied from the British map.

References to the column under the Command of Lieutenant General Earl

Cornwallis.

A. A. Column under the command of Lieutenant General Earl Cornwallis,
after having crossed the forks of the Brandywine at 2 o’clock in the afternoon.

B. B. The third brigade, which was not brought into action, but kept in re-
serve in the rear of the fourth brigade.

C. Two squadrons of Dragoons which were not employed.

I). Light Infantry and Chasseurs beginning the attack.

E. E. Attack of the guards and Hessian Grenadiers who forced the enemy
on the first onset.

F. A part of the enemy’s right forced by the 2d Light Infantry and Chasseurs.

G. G. The 1st British Grenadiers, the Hessian Grenadiers and the guards
entangled in the woods.

H. H. H. March of the 2d Light Infantry, 2d Grenadiers, and 4ch Brigade
beyond Dilworth, where they dislodged a corps of the enemy strongly posted.

References to the column under the command of His Excellency Lieutenant
General Knyphausen.

a. a. Column under the command of His Excellency Lieutenant General
Knyphausen in march at 9 in the morning, his van having drove back the rebel
detachments which attempted to defend the defiles from Welehs’ Tavern to the
heights of Chadds’ Ford.

b. b. Heights and woods occupied by the rebels, c. Small Fleche raised by do.

d. The British Riflemen posted behind a house and supported by 100 men
of General Stirn’s Brigade.

e. The Queen’s Rangers pursuing the enemy dislodged from the woods, f.

g. Four pieces of cannon, with the 49th Regiment to support the attack of

the advanced troops, and the 28th Regiment who crossed the valley, h, to get
to the height, i, which the enemy abandoned at their approach as well as the
Fleche, c.

Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2015

https://archive.org/details/someaccountofbriOOtown

11.

k. March of the troops to take the position, n, which was done under the
fire of cannon in 1, and under that of the enemy in m, m.

n. n. n. n. Position of the column from half after ten in the morning till
four in the afternoon, when General Howe made his attack on the other side of
the Brandywine creek, near Dilworth. The position of the rebels was then
in o. o. o.o.

p. March of the troops to the Ford under the fire of the cannon, g. The
enemy fired from their batteries, m, m.

r. Ford where the troops crossed the creek and charged the enemy, who at
first opposed them with some resolution, but soon gave way. The Riflemen
and Queen’s Rangers, with the 71st, the 4th, and the 5th followed by all the
British Regiments, and by General Stirn’s Brigade forced the enemy to abandon
their Batteries, m. m. And after some resistance near the houses, s. s , to retire
at 1. 1., from which position they fired upon the troops with four pieces of cannon.
I he rebels afterwards retreated to Chester, the night favoured their escape and
saved them from pursuit. Lieutenant General Knyphausen’s column having
joined General Howe, remained in the position u. u.

Reference showing the names of the occupants of the houses in the vicinity of
the battle at that time, and the names of the present occupants, (1846.)

1. George Strode’s, subsequently Philip Price’s (now Jonathan Paxson’s.)

2. , (now I)r. A. L. Elwyn’s.)

3. Richard Strode’s (the portion now remaining is in the occupancy of his son

Richard Strode.

4. Widow' Susannah Davis’s (not standing at present, the house built upon its
site occupied by Aaron Sharpless.)

5. Mary, widow of John Davis’s, once Amos Davis’s, (not standing.)

6. Mary, widow of James Davis’s, once Daniel Davis’s, (now modernized and
occupied by Hibbert Davis.)

7. William Jones’s, (now Brinton Jones’s, his grandson.)

8. Isaac Davis’s, (now Abraham Darlington’s.)

9. John Woodward’s, (not standing.)

10. Richard Evanson’s, (now Lewis Brinton’s.)

11. House believed to have been occupied by J. Bolton, (not standing.)

12. Isaac Garrett’s, (not standing.)

13. Abraham Darlington’s, (now Clement Biddle’s.)

14. John Bennett’s, (not standing.)

15. Edward Brinton, Esqrs. (now Edward B. Darlington, his grandson’s.)

16. George Brinton’s, (now Ziba Darlington’s. This house wras built in 1704,
by William Brinton, great grand father of present occupant.)

17. William Thatcher’s, (now William Thatcher’s.)

18. Israel Gilpin’s — Howes’ Head Quarters, (now George Gilpin’s.)

19. John Henderson’s (Harlan Webb now occupies a house built on or near
the spot.)

20. Samuel Painter’s, (now William Painter’s.)

21. Gideon Gilpin’s, La Fayette’s Head Quarters, (now Wiliam Painter’s.)

22. Benjamin Ring’s, Washington’s Head Quarters, (now Chalkley Harvey’s )

23. William Harvey’s, (not standing.)

24. Davis’s Tavern, (now in ruins.)

25. John Chadd’s, (still standing.)

26. Amos House’s (not standing.)

27. George Martin’s, (now Gideon Williamson’s)

28. Smith shop, (not standing.)

29. The largest body of forest now remaining in the district,

30. Height where cannon were fired by Sir Wm. Howe.

* * Pits in which soldiers were buried.

I I Ravine in which Greene covered the retreat.

J Wistar’s woods. j- Artillery.

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BIRMINGHAM MEETING HOUSE

from a- Dapuerrcotypc by
the Jdess lanpcnfieim . •>--

Tlie committee on the Bulletin desire to return their thanks to the library
Committee of the Franklin Institute, for their permission to use the “Flair
of the Battle of Brandywine,” the property of the Institute, and to the fol-
lowing gentleman of WestChester and its vicinity, for their valuable assist-
ance in the pieparation of this and the following number. To John S. Bowen,
J. Smith Futhey, John Hickman, Jr., Joseph C. Strode, and Ziba Darlington,
£sqs., and to Dr. William Darlington ; also to Henry C. Townsend, Esq., of
Philadelphia.

Hall of the, Historical Society ,

October 14/A, 1846.

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A SKETCH OF THE BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE.*

[September Ilf A, 1777.)

The campaign of 1777 was devoted by Sir William Howe and
the forces under his command to obtaining possession of the
city of Philadelphia.

The importance of this place in a military point of view has
been questioned on both sides, and both Washington and Howe
have been censured for their pertinacity. It will be well, there-
fore, before entering upon the particulars of the engagement which
decided its fate, to present some of the most prominent reasons for
thus estimating the importance of this city.

Philadelphia was at that time the largest city in the revolted
provinces ; it was the seat of the Continental Congress and the centre
of the colonies. Although commanding a ready access to the
sea, it was capable of being readily protected from the approach
of a hostile fleet, and it lay in the heart of an open, extended coun-
try, rich, comparatively populous, and so far but little disturbed
during the war. Hence it was the proper seat of that body which
devised measures and provided means for carrying on the war.

The moral influence resulting from the position of Congress at
this point was also great. All do not reason as Statesmen or
Generals. Whilst the seat of Congress was secure, men were
led to mock at the arms which could not penetrate to the head-
quarters of the infant nation.

But the winter following its capture, and the early part of the
succeeding campaign, were seasons of gloom and apathy from
North to South; while on the other hand, the British felt secure
in their possession of the city, until France had signified her in-
tention of lending the Americans a helping hand.

Another reason, of weight, with both parties, was the fact that
this region, was, owing to its position and the peaceful disposition
of much of its population, less affected by the yoke of Britain, and
less influe'nced by the enthusiasm of the other colonies. In the
possession of the British, this disaffection to the cause of the re-
volution would tend to strengthen their hold upon the country,
whilst on the other hand but little positive injury was experienced
from it to the side of the Whigs.

Influenced by such reasons, Sir William Howe made repeated
efforts in the earlier part of. the campaign to draw Gen. Wash-

•The committee are indebted for the above sketch, to the kindness of JohnS.
Bowen, and J. Smith Futhej, Esqre., of West Chester.

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ington from his position in New Jersey, so as to bring on an en-
gagement that might open him a way across that state. Failing
in this, his forces were withdrawn, and preparations made for em-
barking the troops. Their destination being uncertain, the conti-
nental forces occupied the ground thus abandoned, with a view
to defend any point upon the Hudson that might be attacked, and
to watch any other movements of the fleet.

The British embarked on the fifth of July, but did not leave
Sandy Hook until the twenty-third. On the thirtieth they reached
the capes of Delaware Bay. Here learning the obstructions that
had been placed in the river, they set sail for Chesapeake Bay,
which they entered about the middle of August, on the twenty-
fourth of which month they effected a landing at Turkey’s Point,
near the head of Elk (now Elkton.)

On the twenty-seventh, the vanguard under Sir William Howe
proceeded to the head of Elk, and on the following day to Gray’s
Hill, about two miles to the eastward.

At the head of the Elk was a quantity of public and private
stores, including a considerable supply of salt, of which Washing-
ton in his official letters says “ Every attempt will be made to se-
cure that.” The value of this article during the war will be re-
membered. One bushel was a sufficient bribe to induce the at-
tempt to capture Squire Cheyney, for the price of which a suit
was subsequently brought before the Squire himself.

The stores were mostly secured ; the large amount of valuable
property removed by the residents required almost all the teams
within reach, so that several thousand bushels of corn and oats
fell into the hands of the enemy.

Howe immediately issued a proclamation declaring that private
property should be respected, and strict order and discipline main-
tained, and offering pardon and protection to all who would sub-
mit to the authority of Britain.

Three brigades, composing the rear guard, under Gen. Knyp-
hausen remained at the landing to cover the debarkation of the
stores and artillery, whilst one brigade under Gen. Grant, occu-
pied a central position between Howe and Knyphausen. On the
first of September Gen. Knyphausen, crossed over to Cecil Court
House, whence he proceeded on the east side and joined the
forces under Howe on the third of the month. Gen. Grant re-
mained at the head of Elk to maintain the communication with
the shipping.

As soon as Gen. Washington had learned the preparations for
departure made in New York by the British troops, he took posi-
tion at Morristown, N. J., whence he could command the highland
passes on the Hudson and oppose any renewed attempt to cross
Netw Jersey towards Philadelphia:

The time consumed in the embarkation indicated a longer
voyage than the ascent of the Hudson. Accordingly , whilst prepara-

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tions to receive the enemy on that river and to the eastward were
not neglected, the completion of the fortifications upon the Dela-
ware was hastened, and the militia of the lower counties ofPenn-
sylvaia and the state of Delaware was assembled at Chester and
Wilmington.

The departure of the fleet was the signal for the march of the
American troops to the southward. Gen. Stephen, with his di-
vision and that of Gen. Lincoln proceeded to Chester, Gen. Lin-
coln having been ordered to join Gen. Schuyler in the North.
The divisions of Generals Sullivan and Sterling, with that of Gen.
Greene, (composed of the brigades of Muhlenberg and Weedon)
slowly approached, accompanied by Gen. Washington in person.
Morgan’s and Bland’s regiments of horse were with them. Gen.
Nash received orders, upon receipt of intelligence of the fleet's
being ofF the capes of the Chesapeake, to embark with Proctor’s
artillery for Chester.

On the twenty-fourth of August, Washington marched through
Philadelphia, passing down Front street, and up Chestnut street,
about seven in the morning, and proceeded without delay to
Chester.

From this time Washington was incessantly engaged in tho-
roughly reconnoitering the country between Philadelphia and the
Chesapeake.

The Delaware militia had been early posted at the head of Elk,
and entrusted with the removal of the stores ; on the twenty-
seventh of August about nine hundred Pennsylvania militia
marched in that direction.

The cavalry were placed under the command of Count Pulaski :
the Marquis La Fayette now first entered, as a volunteer, the re-
volutionary service.

Washington mentions in his correspondence heavy rains upon
the twenty -sixth of August, which injured the arms and ammu-
nition, the last rain spoken of prior to the eleventh of September ;
on the latter date, therefore, the waters of Brandywine creek must
have been low, and the fords shallow, as is usually the case at
that season.

From the first movements of the British in advance, active skir-
mishing, sometimes of considerable bodies, took place. On the
twenty-eighth the Americans took between thirty and forty
prisoners, and twelve deserters from the navy and eight from the
army came into their camp. These stated the British forces to be
in good health, but the horses as having suffered from the length
of the voyage. On the twenty-ninth Capt. Lee took twenty-four
prisoners.

On the third of September Cornwallis, now joined by Knyp-
hausen, moved forward and encamped above Pencader. A severe
though brief encounter occurred between his division and Maxwell’s

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regiment of foot. The British stated their loss at three killed and
nineteen wounded, and that of the Americans at forty killed and
wounded; but while the loss of the latter seems to be correctly
given, it would appear that that of the former was much greater.
A woman who came from their camp the next day, said that she
had seen nine wagon loads of wounded brought in. Maxwell’s
riflemen were thinly posted and poured a well directed fire into
the solid ranks of the advancing columns, having formed, in fact,
a kind of ambuscade.

On the eighth, the American army took its position behind Red
Clay creek, the left resting upon Newport on the Christiana, being
on the road leading directly from the British camp to Philadelphia.
The right extended a considerable distance up the creek to Hoc-
kesson. Here a battle was anticipated. But on that day, Gen.
Grant having embarked the tents and heavy baggage, rejoined
the remainder of the army, which was again put in motion. The
main body advanced by Newark, near whichthey had been posted,
upon the right of the American encampment and took post within
four miles of that point, extending their left still further up the
country. A strong column made a feint of attacking in front, and
after some maneuvering, halted at Milltown, within two miles of
the centre of the Americans.

This show of attacks and the simultaneous extension of the
enemy’s left so far up the country, indueed Washington to change
his position, as he believed the object of the enemy to be to turn
his right, cross the Brandywine, and cut oft’ his communication
with Philadelphia. This, if successfully carried out, would have
hemmed him in upon a tongue of land between the British army
and their fleet, where he must have been overpowered or com-
pelled to fight his way out under every disadvantage.

Accordingly after reconnoitering the enemy, Washington at
two o’clock in the morning of the ninth, withdrew towards Chadd’s
Ford, on the Brandywine, and on the evening of that day, en-
trenched himself upon the high ground on the left, or east bank
of the creek. Maxwell’s light infantry occupied the advanced
posts, and during the night of the tenth, threw up defences on the
right, or west bank, at the approaches to the ford.

On the evening of the ninth the British marched lorward in
two columns. Lieut. Gen. Knyphausen, with the left, encamped
at New Garden and Kennett Square; Cornwallis with the right,
occupied a piece of ground below, at Hockesson meeting house.

Early next day they united at Kennett Square, whence in the
evening they advanced to within about a mile of Welsh’s tavern,
probably for the convenience of water.

Their army (according to Stedman,) consisted of thirty-six
Hessian and British battalions, infantry, light infantry and gren-
adiers; a corps called the Queen’s Rangers (organized, it seems,

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in New York) and a regiment of Light Horse. The whole
were estimated at eighteen thousand men.

The column of Lord Cornwallis, on the eleventh, consisted of
two battaliuns of grenadiers, two of light infantry, the Hessian
grenadiers, part of the seventy-first regiment, and two British
brigades ; in all about thirteen thousand men.

That of Knyphausen consisted of two British brigades, the re-
sidue of the Hessians and Wemyss’s corps of rangers ; in all about
five thousand.

The position of the two armies on the morning of the eleventh
of September, will be seen by reference to the accompanying map.
On the preceding night the British army lay at Kennett Square
and to the east and west of that place, which was a small village.
A road led from it directly to Chadd’s Ford. Welsh’s tavern (still
existing) is about three miles to the east of it, on this road ; a short
distance beyond is Kennett meeting house and grave yard; and
about a mile west of Chadd’s Ford is an eminence then occupied
by Maxwell’s out-posts. West of Welsh’s tavern a road runs di-
rectly north to the street road, and after reaching this, recom-
mences again a short distance to the eastward, and runs again
north, crossing the west branch of the Brandywine at Trimble’s
Ford.

Early on the morning of the eleventh the Commander-in-Chief,
with the column of Cornwallis, took this road leading northwardly
to Trimble’s Ford, and under cover of the hills and forests, and
aided by a fog, proceeded a considerable distance unobserved.
Knyphausen started much later, and then pursued the direct road
to Chadd’s Ford, upon the eminences near which it will be re-
membered that Maxwell’s regiment was posted. Scouting parties
of light horse were also sent out upon this road.

To the east of Chadd’s Ford and commanding it was posted the
main body of the American army, consisting of the brigades of
Muhlenburgand Weedon, forming Gen. Green’s division. Wayne’s
division and Proctor’s artillery occupied an entrenchment upon the
brow of an eminence immediately above the ford. The brigades
of Sullivan, Stirling and Stephens, forming the right wing, ex-
tended some distance up the river. To the left of the main body,
and two miles below them, Gen. Armstrong with about a thou-
sand Pennsylvania militia, was posted to guard Pyle’s Ford.

The Fords of the Brandywine in ascending order were Pyle’s
Ford just mentioned; Chadd’s Ford, where the attempt to force a
passage was anticipated ; Brinton’s, one mile above and more dif-
ficult ; Painter’s, called also Jones’s, on the street road, about three
miles above Chadd’s Ford, and about two and a half miles below
the forks of the creek ; Wister’s or Shunk’s, about a mile above
Painter’s. On the east or north branch were three fords, Buffing-
ton’s,immediately above the forks, Jefferis’ Ford (by mistake called

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Jones’s in Washington’s letters and elsewhere,) about six miles
from Chadd’s Ford, and about a mile and a half above the forks,
and Taylor’s F ord abouta mile and a half up higher, where “the old
Lancaster Road” crossed. On the west branch was Trimble’s
Ford, about one mile above the forks, and full five miles from the
British encampment. Seeds’s Ford is unnoticed in the old annals.

The whole country abounded in forests, interspersed with plan-
tations, more or less detached. To the east of the Brandywine it
was more open, but both banks of the creek were pretty densely
covered with woods. The country is undulating, the larger hills
usually skirting the creek separated by flats now forming beauti-
ful and luxuriant meadows, but then doubtless covered with the
primitive forest. So dense and impenetrable were the wood and
undergrowth upon these flats that a part of them above Painter’s
bridge on the street road bears to this day the name of Dungeon
Bottom.

Birmingham meeting house is on the brow of a hill, about three
miles north of Chadd’s ford, one fourth of a mile south of the
street road, and about two miles east of Painter’s Ford. —
Jones’s house lies to the north, the farm extending to the street
road. An orchard occupied a portion of the angle formed by the
street Toad, and “the great Dilworthtown road,” which passes
both this house and Birmingham meetinghouse. Osborne’s hill
is about a mile north of the meeting house. Sconneltown (now
entirely extinct,) was on the top of another eminence between
Jefferis’ Ford and Osborne’s Hill.

“ The Great Valley road,” spoken of in the narratives of the
battle, was the road leading from Kennett Square through Trim-
ble’s and Jefferis’ Fords, and by the Turk’s Head (now West
Chester,) to the Great Valley, four miles north of the latter place.

Martin’s tavern (now Marshalton) was about four miles west of
the Turk’s Head, and about two miles west of Taylor’s Ford, on
« the old Lancaster road,” which traversed nearly the same
ground upon which the Strasburg road was subsequently laid
out.

Upon the roads leading to Chadd’s and Taylor’s Fords and
towards Wilmington, parties of British light horse were sent out
on the tenth, most probably to reconnoitre.

The column under Cornwallis set out at daybreak on the
eleventh, that under Knyphausen, about nine o’clock. A very
dense and heavy fog continued until a late hour. A scouting
party of American light horse had ventured as far as Welsh’s
tavern, and having carelessly left their horses in front of the inn,
were drinking at the bar when the advance of the British ap-
proached within a few rods, before they were discovered. The
troopers fired one volley, escaped by the bactc of the house and
lied across the fields to the woods, leaving their horses in the

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hands of the enemy. Tradition mentions as the only result of
their fire the death of a horse belonging to one of the British
cavalry, who mounted one of those left by the Americans and
rode on.

About a mile beyond, the column was again fired on by a party
stationed behind the walls of Old Kennett Grave Yard, and a re-
treating fire was kept up from behind walls and trees, until Max-
well’s forces became engaged with the advance of the division.
A body of troops sent to dislodge him from his position on the
heights about a mile from the ford compelled him to retire until
reinforced from the eminence at the edge of the creek. The
front ranks of Knyphausen were then thrown into confusion, but
being sustained by successive detachments, drove Maxwell back
and finally across the creek. This part of the action began about
ten o’clock. It is probable from the advantageous position of
Maxwell’s men on each side of the road and. upon entrenched
heights, that the loss of the British must have been considerable.
Washington’s Secretary, writing the same day, (before the en-
gagement at Birmingham,) estimates their Igss at three hundred
killed and wounded, and adds, “ ours does not exceed fifty in the
whole.”

After securing the height, Knyphausen commenced a heavy
cannonade, which was continued with little intermission until the
ford was passed. Every feint and manoeuvre was tried to pre-
sent the appearance of a large force and a vehement effort to cross
the ford.

Several detachments of the Americans crossed the creek
and assailed the British who were labouring to throw up en-
trenchments and batteries. Captains Porterfield and Waggoner
having thus passed over and secured a footing on the western
bank, Gen. Maxwell returned in force, and a warm conflict ensued.
Maxwell driving the enemy from the ground, killing thirty men,
(among them a captain of the forty-ninth, and seizing some en-
trenching tools with which they were throwing up a battery.)
The sharpness of the skirmish soon drewupon them overwhelming-
numbers, and the Americans were again repulsed.

Lord Cornwallis, with the larger division arrived, it may be
presumed, at the summit of the hills south of Trimble’s ford,
before or about the time when Knyphausen moved from Kennett
Square. Some cannon were discharged at this point, (and bails
have been found in the vicinity,) for which it is difficult to account,
unless they were designed to notify to Knyphausen their having
gained a midway position, or to direct him to march to the ford.

Gen. Sullivan, who commanded the right wing of the American
army, had received instructions to guard the fords as high up as
Buffington’s, just above the forks of the Brandywine. Scouting

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parties were sent out in various directions to watch the move-
ments of the enemy. Col. Bland, with the light horse, crossed
the creek at a point above the camp, probably at Painter’s Ford
on the street road, with orders to wratch the movements of the
enemy should they make any demonstrations of an attempt to
turn the enemy’s right. He m fact sent early information that
he had seen two brigades advancing on “the valley road” to-
wards Trimble’s Ford, and that the dust appeared to rise in their
rear for a considerable distance. This was confirmed by a note
from Col. Ross who was in their rear, and who estimated the
force that he had seen at not less than five thousand.

The intelligence being thus confirmed of a larg-e division’s
being so far separated from the army at Chadd’s Ford, Washing-
ton formed the bold designof crossing the Brandywine with the
great body of his troops and falling upon Knyphausen, and orders
were sent to Gen. Greene to cross above the ford. Before this
could be effected, counter intelligence was received by Sullivan,
who had advanced to meet the division under Cornwallis. This
is said to have come from a major of militia, who stated that he
had just left the forks, and that there was no appearance of an
enemy in that quarter. It was also reported about the same time
that Cornwallis had turned and was coming down the right or
west bank of the creek to join Knyphausen. Sullivan commu-
nicated these reports to the Commander in Chief, and they seem
to have had sufficient wreight to discredit the intelligence re-
ceived from Col. Bland and Col. Ross. Whether Sullivan he
censurable or not for confiding in these reports, it is evident that
it was within his power to ascertain the truth and that within an
hour’s time. The street road was open across the whole country
to the westward, and the road northward led to Buffington’s Ford
just above the forks. Scouting parties might readily have reached
Osborne’s Hill, even at a late hour; but though his orders re-
quired him to guard as high up as the forks, there is every reason
to believe that he had no party (except Col. Bland) on the west of
the stream, north of the street road. In this ail tradition concurs.

Whilst Washington was in the state of painful uncertainty
produced by these conflicting accounts, Squire Cheyney rode up
to the forces under Sullivan, and being uncourteously received
by that General, demanded to be led to the Commander in Chief.
This was done ; and the earnestness of his asseverations, to the
truth of which he pledged his life, secured confidence in his
statements, corroborating, as they did, the earlier information of
the morning. According to his account, the enemy was already
at hand, and in large force, to the eastward of the creek.

The brigades of Stephen, Stirling and Sullivan, under the
command of the latter were pushed forward to Birmingham
meeting house, whilst Greene’s division took the intermediate

11

position that it had chiefly occupied during the day. Washing-
ton remained with the latter, holding it as a reserve in aid of
either Wayne or Sullivan.

Birmingham meeting house had been for some days occupied
as a hospital; probably the sick and wounded had been removed
thither when the army took its position on Red Clay Creek. In
consequence. the Friends had adjourned their meeting to the day of
their usual meeting in the middle of the week, (Thursday,) ap-
pointing the wheelwright shop in Sconneltown as the place. On
this day they met. Some time before separating, the younger
members manifested uneasiness, which was fully explained, when
on breaking up the meeting the whole country about JefFeris’
Ford was seen covered with the British troops. The hour could
have been little later than noon. Townsend, in his narrative,
will be found clear and explicit as to these particulars. A heavy
cannonade, the policy of Knyphausen, had been heard from below.
About two o’clock in the afternoon Cornwallis’s division reached
Osborne’s Hill, where they halted and took dinner, having
marched nearly thirteen miles. Before they again fell in, the
forces of the Americans were seen forming upon the brow of the
opposite hill at Birmingham meeting house. Cornwallis, who
with the field officers occupied the summit of Osborne’s Hill, ex-
claimed, on seeing their movements, “the damned rebels form
well.”

Among the Americans, some dissention had arisen as to who
should have the honour of occupying the right of their line. Gen.
Deborre, a French officer, who had recently entered the service,
claimed this post; and Sullivan finding that his orders upon the
subject had been disobeyed, made a considerable circuit for the
purpose of outreaching him, and thus was late upon the field
with his brigade, and unable to form before the columns of the
enemy vehemently attacked him. It would seem that Sullivan’s
manoeuvre was unsuccessful, and that Deborre obtained the po-
sition he coveted, for Deborre’s brigade was the first to give way,
and the confusion evidently commenced at the extreme right of
the line. This officer was suspended, and an inquiry into his
conduct ordered, upon which he resigned.

The action was commenced by a party of Hessians, who crossed
the street road and resting their guns upon the fence fired upon
the outposts of the Americans, stationed in Jones’ orchard
north of his house. In half an hour, about four o’clock, the action
became general.

The confusion created by the contest between Sullivan and
Deborre spread through the ranks. In attempting to rally the
troops, La Fayette was wounded in the left leg. Sullivan, whose
own brigade was retreating, threw himself with Sterling and La
Fayette^personally into the conflict, and a most heroic stand was

12

made, these officers continuing to maintain their ground until the
American forces were completely broken and the enemy within
twenty yards of them, when they escaped into the woods.

In the course of the day Washington had pointed out to Gen.
Greene a suitable position for a second stand in the event of their
being obliged to fall back from either point. As soon as the en-
gagement at Birmingham meeting house took place, Greene
quickly advanced and occupied this position. It was about a mile
from Birmingham meeting house, on the road to Dilworthstown,
in a narrow defile flanked on both sides by woods and command-
ing the road. Near this place on the road side, stood a black-
smith’s shop. Here the retreating parties were stopped and
formed in the rear. Several hours yet remained before the dark-
ness of the night covered the further retreat of the Americans.
Knyphausen, at the first fire at Birmingham, had attempted the
passage of the ford in earnest, and after a short though severe
contest, Wayne’s division was compelled to abandon their artil-
lery and retreat.

Greene succeeded in defending the pass, and maintained his
position until the close of the day. The brigades of Weedonand
Muhlenburg greatly distinguished themselves. The most con-
spicuous among them were the 10th Virginia regiment, and a
Pennsylania regiment under Col. Stewart,

The entire force of the Americans could not have exceeded
eleven thousand men, whilst Cornwallis’s division alone is esti-
mated at thirteen thousand. The continental troops laboured
under serious disadvantages. Their muskets were not of the same
calibre ; their cartridges in consequence were not adapted to uni-
versal use, and the efficacy of their fire was impaired. Many of
the soldiers were raw and undisciplined troops, the more readily
thrown into disorder upon being attacked whilst in motion, and
before they had gained their proper position in the line.

The troops that had served during the preceding campaign
proved themselves able and effective; and the fact that Sir Wil-
liam Howe, with the superior force under his 'command, after
pursuing the retreating Americans but for a single mile, was then
checked by a few regiments, speaks much for the valour of the
continental army.

According to Howe, the loss of the British was one hundred
killed and four hundred wounded, whilst that of the Americans
was three hundred killed and six hundred wounded. Three or
four hundred were taken prisoners, chiefly of the wounded.

The militia under Gen. Armstrong, posted at Pyle’s Ford, had
no opportunity of engaging.

The American army retreated during the night to Chester.
The baggage had been previously sent off. Their loss of blankets
was considerable, and in view of the approaching season, serious.

13-|*V

They had been in their knapsacks, and were mostly lost during
the enagement. Seven or eight cannon and a howitzer fell into
the hands of the enemy.

The ardour of the troops was unabated; and Washington im-
mediately prepared for a second engagement.

Sir William Howe’s delay is unaccountable. With the ex-
ception of some movements towards Chester and Wilmington,
his army remained near the field of battle until the sixteenth,
when they learned that Washington was within a short distance,
at the Warren tavern on the Lancaster (or old Provincial) road
in the Great Valley, and prepared to give them battle. A suc-
cession of heavy rains, which ruined their ammunition, prevented
the engagement, and rendered the retreat of the Americans una-
voidable.

The bold design of Washington to cross the Brandywine and
attack Knyphausen, whilst Sullivan was to cross above and hold
the other division in check, has, singularly enough, been the oc-
casion of a covert attack upon his military character. The author
of the Life of Gen. Greene congratulates the country upon the
receipt of the false intelligence which prevented the movement,
and argues that the movement would have proved injurious, as
his baggage would have fallen into the hands of Cornwallis. But
Washington had already removed his baggage, as is shown in
his letter from Chester, dated the same evening. Nothing ap-
pears to have been more likely than that a brisk attack upon
Knyphausen would have been successful in dislodging, if not
completely repulsing him, and that arrangements could then have
been made for the more serious conflict with Cornwallis. It is
not to be supposed that Washington would have been led to
follow up his advantage over Knyphausen too far, to the neglect
of the more important duty of guarding the fords against Corn-
wallis. His caution is too well known to admit of such a suppo-
sition.

This sketch has reached its proper limit. The events which
succeeded — “the Massacre ofPaoli” (as it is popularly called) on
the night of the 20th of September, Howe’s entry into Phila-
delphia on the 26th, the battle of Germantown and the encamp-
ment of the Americans at Valley Forge — “the darkest hour of
the Revolution,” form suitable subjects for the future labours of
the Society ; and it is greatly to be desired that persons in the vi-
cinity of these historial localities should engage in the work of
gleaninor the field of tradition that nothing may possibly be lost.

2*

NOTICE OF THE LIFE OF JOSEPH TOWNSEND.*

Joseph Townsend wasthe seventh child of John and Joanna Townsend,
and a grandson of Joseph Townsend, who was born in Berkshire, Eng-
land, in 1686, and emigrated to this country in 17 14, where he purchased
and occupied a large tract of land lying in East Bradford Township,
in Chester county, Pennsylvania, near which the village of West
Chester is now built. Joseph, the subject of this sketch, was born on the
26th day of February, 1756, upon the original tract purchased by his
grandfather. He was, by birth, a member of the religious Society of
Friends, as his ancestors had been for some generations before him. He
remained upon the paternal farm until 1782, and witnessed in the mean-
time the battle of Brandywine, which occurred on the 11th September,
1777. The devastation committed by the passage of the British army
under the command of Gen. Howe, through Chester county, induced
him to emigrate, and in the year 1782 he removed to the Little Falls of
Gunpowder, in Harford county, Maryland, where he taught school one
year. In the fall of 1783 he removed to Baltimore, and the town being then
small and growing, he soon took an active part in its advancement — was
a member of the Board of Health in 1794, 1797 and 1800, during the
three several visitations of the yellow fever, and was active in the pur-
chase of the Potter’s Field, and the Maryland Hospital, both of which
were demanded bv that fatal disease. In 1794 he was one of the
founders of the “Baltimore Equitable Society for Insuring Houses
from Loss by Fire,?; — an establishment based upon the mutual princi-
ple, and over which he presided for the long period of forty-seven years,
until his death, having seen his adopted town expand into the importance
of a large city, third in rank in the United States. Various other offices
of trust and responsibility, he also held — both under the city and State
governments, in corporate bodies, and in the administration of private
estates, too numerous to mention in this short outline of his life.

He was three times mairied.

June 6th, 1782, to Hannah Painter, of Chester county, by whom he
had tw'o children; both of whom died.

May 31st, 1787, to Mary Matthews, of Baltimore, by whom he had
eight children, one only of whom survives at this date, (a son.)

June 3d, 1803, to Esther Hallett, of Long Island, who survives him.
They had a family of thirteen children, of whom five (a son arid four

* The above sketch was at request kindly prepared by Henry C. Townsend
Esq., a grand nephew of the author of the following narrative.

.

.

16

daughters) are living at this time. Making in alia family of twenty -three,
of whom but six survive, and but nine lived to years of maturity.

His brother and seven sisters, all married, and (with one exception)
had families. They remained in Chester county or removed to Philadel-
phia, and lived to an advanced age, from 60 to 90 years, except two
sisters, who died in middle age.

Preserving the regular and temperate habits of his early life, he lived
to the age of 85 years and seven months. His death was sudden and
without apparent pain. He died in his own house in the city of Balti-
more, on 5th day, 30th of the 9lh month, 1841, having been arrested while
at dinner, by his first death-stroke, from which he so far recovered as to
rise from the table and lie down, when a second stroke, in a few moments,
summoned him away from the living.

His remains were interred in Greenmount Cemetery, on First day,
10th mo. 3d, 1841.

SOME ACCOUNT

OF

■ THE BRITISH ARMY UNDER THE COMMAND 0? GENERAL HOWE,

AND OF THE

BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE,

; On the memorable 11 th of September , 1777, §c. fyc.

During- the winter of 1776. and the spring of 1777, the British
army had possession of New York, Long Island, &c., and numer-
ous were the conjectures respecting their future destiny, or on
what part of the continent the ensuing campaign would be
opened. This continued to he the case until the summer ap-
proached, when information was generally spread that they were
making preparations to leave their winter quarters, which actu-
ally took place in the month of July, but their intended move-
ments remained a profound secret until the latter end of the ensu-
ing month, August, when they made their appearance in the Ches-
apeake Bay. It was then ascertained that their object was to get
possession of Philadelphia, and to march thither the most direct
and favorable route to obtain that purpose, having been led to be-
lieve that the productive country through which they were to pass
wouid render great facilities to their contemplated march, and that
hut little obstruction or opposition would be met with from the in-
habitants of that portion of the country. The number of soldiers
under arms amounted by computation to 17,000, 5000 of them
being German troops, generally termed Hessians, the formerbeing
under the command of General Howe, and the latter under General
Knyphausen. The fleet conveyed them up along the mouth of
the Susquehanna river, and landed them a little east of Turkey
point, from which place they commenced their contemplated

IS

march. The news of their landing soon spread throughout the
adjacent country, and some were of opinion that a general devas-
tation would be the consequence. Others concluded that the
country was now conquered, and peace and tranquillity would be
restored by the former government’s being re-established, as con-
siderable commotion and disturbance had taken place in that sec-
tion of the country respecting it.

At that time I resided at my father’s, (John Townsend,) the
place of my nativity, adjoining to the ground where West Chester
now stands, a neighborhood where the inhabitants were alive to
the prevailing reports and rumors of the day.

The first account received after their landing was, that they
were at Iron Hill, a place not much known or spoken of previ-
ously as a place of note ; the next news was that they were at
Allen’s tavern, in the settlement of New Garden, a person having
arrived who had been in sight of them, so near as to discover the
buttons on their coats, which I suppose was a regiment of the
German troops, who were, during the whole march, kept in front
of the army, to cover the English troops from any skirmishing
that might take place with the Americans, (or Rebels termed by
them,) which probably would be the case before they arrived at
Philadelphia, their intended winter quarters.

Things at this time began to wear a serious aspect, and the counte-
nances of many were changed ; some of them evidently appeared
gloomy, others somewhat brightened up from the consideration of
pleasing prospects before them, and the favorable issue soon to be
experienced.

General Washington was early apprised of the British forces’
landing on the shores of the Chesapeake, and disposed of his
trbops in different directions to arrest their progress, in their in-
tended march through that section of the country, and to make a
stand against them at every position favorable for that purpose.
A breast work was thrown up on an eminence on the east side of
Brandywine creek, nearly opposite to Chadd’s ford, near which
his principal army was encamped. Scouting parties were recon-
noitering in various directions for several miles up the said creek,
to discover, if possible, the ford over which they intended to force
their march.

Several persons in the neighborhood, who had manifested a
disposition to support the Americans, now thought it advisable to
remove their families, stock and furniture to a distance, that it
might be safe from the British plunderers, as destruction would
bethe consequence if left in their way. Others being of a difierent
opinion, were disposed to remain at home and risk the danger
that they might be exposed to, let the consequence be what it
might.

19

A majority of the inhabitants were of the Society of Friends,
who could not consistently with theii principles take any active*
part in the war, and who generally believed it right to remain at their
dwellings, and patiently submit to whatever suffering mio-ht be
their lot, and trust their all to a kind protecting Provid°ence, who
had hitherto protected and prospered their undertaking in an ex-
traordinary manner, ever since their first settlement of The country
under the proprietor and governor William Penn.

General Washington had his head quarters at Benjamin Rings’*
who resided near the east side of Chadd’s ford, and General La
Fayette was near at hand in the neighborhood.! They were fre-
quently together, which afforded an opportunity to spectators to
view them both at the same time. Lord Stirling took possession
of the dwelling of Amos House, + near the fording place. He was
one of those who had removed his family and property to a more
retired and secure place a few days previous to the army’s encamp-
ing there.

On the 10th of September, in the evening, the British forces
arrived and encamped at Kennett Square and its vicinity, and
early on the morning following were disposed to carry into
effect their concerted plan of crossing the Brandywine Creek and
routing the American army from their ground of encampment,
which was for General Knyphausen to conduct the troops under
his command to the high grounds of the creek on the west side
and commence a brisk cannonading, in order to keep up the ap-
pearance of an attempt to cross the stream of water, while General
Howe conducted his troops, artillery, &c., up the creek about 7
miles to Jefferis’ Ford, that he might surprise Washington’s
army, which lay south-east of Birmingham meeting house.

The order given to General Knyphausen was complied with.
He arranged his artillery on the lands of William Harvey, Jacob
Way and others adjoining, as the most eligible spot for the in-
tended purpose, having the principal part of his troops under
arms in full view of the Americans, who occupied the eminences
on the east side.

General Knyphausen commenced his cannonading early after
daylight, and continued it the greater part of the forenoon ; it
then in a great measure ceased, and it appeared as if the troops
were retiring; so much so, that a company of Americans ventured
to cross the creek at the ford and advance some distance on the
west side without any interruption from the enemy. Thus were
the Americans amused during the forenoon, and until information
arrived that General Howe and his troops were crossing the creek
a! Jefferis’ Ford, which unexpected intelligence occasioned a

* See plan, fig. 22. f See plan, fig. 21. * See plan, fig. 26.

20

general consternation and commotion throughout the whole of
General Washington’s army.

It may be recollected that the whole of the movements of the
enemy were concealed from General Washington. He could pro-
cure no correct intelligence respecting them, except the firing of
the cannon opposite Chadd’s Ford. It was near 12 o’clock before
the information reached him, and it took some considerable time
before he could arrange his forces to risk an engagement with
them, which he endeavored to do by posting such of his troops as
were prepared for action, on the eminence in front of Birmingham
meeting house. Some few of them were sent forward to the
meeting house, the burying ground and site contiguous being
favorable for the first attack, which took place accordingly.

As the object of these- memoranda is to recite some particulars
of the transactions of that day, I shall now turn to the early part
of it, and relate some circumstances leading thereto. On the
arrival of General Washington’s army from the eastward, in
order to impede the progress of the British, after their landing on
the shores of the Chesapeake, a considerable number of the
soldiers wTere sick in consequence of their long marches through
the excessive heat of that season of the year ; on that account the
commissaries and those who had the charge of the disordered per-
sons, were obliged to take possession of the meeting houses and
other public buildings as hospitals to accommodate them. Among
the number thus occupied, Birmingham meeting house was to be
one, and preparations were making therein for that purpose.
First-day morning arrived. Friends assembled as usual, from an
expectation that the meeting might be held in the house if it
should be taken possession of afterwards: but from the situation
of it, their request could not be granted, they therefore got per-
mission to take some of the benches out of the house, and place
them under the trees which stood in front thereof, on which they
seated themselves in the quiet, as far as was practicable under ex-
isting circumstances — as the officers and workmen were moving
about and engaged in making preparations to receive the sick, to
be brought there as soon as the premises could be got in readi-
ness. After the meeting had sat some time, a female Friend was
concerned in public testimony — her communication was solemn
and edifying. In the course of it she made mention of the visita-
tion she had experienced when young in years from a kind Pro-
vidence, who had been her support through every trial and diffi-
culty, both inward and outward, to the present time, and the
covenant she had entered into with Him to serve Him as her
ability might be afforded through every dispensation she might
have to pass, either within the wails of the meeting houses, or out
of them, as might be her lot to experience, lo me it was a
favored time, and 1 felt thankful in being present. Under these

!

21

circumstances it became necessary that some other building
should be provided to accommodate the meeting in future, until
the meeting house should be cleaned and put in order for the
purpose, and how soon that would be the case was uncertain from
the present gloomy appearance. Several houses and rooms were
talked of, but it was finally concluded to hold the next meeting in
a large wheelwright shop, which stood on the eminence north of
the dwelling house* now owned by Philip Price? at a place called
Sconnel Town. The next meeting day was on the lltli of the
month, which proved to be a memorable day.

Amos House, who had left his dwelling near Chadd’s Ford,
and was succeeded therein by Lord Stirling and his attendants,
was in the practice of visiting the premises almost daily, to see
what discovery he could make, went down on the morning of the
11th, after the cannonading had commenced, and rode under the
cannon balls that were discharged from the artillery on the hills
on each side of the creek without receiving any injury therefrom.

Possessed of curiosity and fond of new things, my brother
William Townsend and myself with some others, rode along side
of the Brandywine for some distance, to discover the approach of
the British army, in case they should attempt to cross any of the
fords on the creek between Jefieris’ and Chadd’s; we fell in with
many like ourselves, but no intelligence could be obtained. We
then returned to the aforesaid wheelwright shop to assemble with
Friends in holding our week day meeting, being near the hour
appointed. While we were sitting therein some disturbance was
discovered near the house and about the door, which occasioned
some individuals to go out to know the cause, and they not re-
turning, and the uneasiness not subsiding, suspicions arose that
something serious was taking place, the meeting accordingly
closed. On our coming out of the house, and making some
inquiry of what had happened, found it to be an alarm among
some of the neighboring women, that the English army was
coming, and that they murdered all before them, young and old.
Some of us endeavored to quiet their fears by telling them it was
not likely to be the case, and that they had better compose them-
selves than to make further disturbance, and while we were
reasoning with them, our eyes were caught on a sudden by the
appearance of the army coming out of the woods into the fields
belonging to Emmor Jefieris, on the west side of the creek above
the fording place. In a few minutes the fields were literally
covered over with them, and they were hastening towards us.
Their arms and bayonets being raised, shone as bright as silver,
there being a clear sky and the day exceedingly warm. Recol-
lecting that there was no one at our dwelling, except some of our
sisters, we concluded it advisable to return home as expeditiously

* See plan fig. 1.

o

22

as possible, as we had no doubt but that they were marching
direct for Philadelphia, and would pass by the house and over
the farm. (Our parents had a few days before been called to
their daughter Lamborn’s, at Kennett, on account of the illness of
her children, one of whom had died during their stay there.
They were considerably plundered by the rabble who accompanied
the army during their encampment at Kennett Square, to which
they were contiguous.)

After our arrival at home, and our horses were enclosed in the
stable, we were in momentary expectation of the army’s approach,
but in this we were disappointed ; and having waited some time,
we ventured down the roads towards them, and when in sight of
Jefferis’ ford, we discovered that they had turned their course to-
wards Birmingham, and were passing by where the meeting had
on that day been held. Being disposed to have a better and
nearer view, we set out for the purpose, and passing by the
dwelling of Abel Boake,* we soon after met Sarah, his wife, who
had been as curious as ourselves, and had been among the sol-
diers as they marched along. The space occupied by the main
body and flanking parties was near half a mile wide. She en-
couraged our going amongst them, at the same time admiring
their appearance, and saying what fine looking fellows they were,
and to use her own expression “they were something like an
army,” which we would see for ourselves, if we would go
amongst them, and that there would not be any objection to our
entrance; thus encouraged, we walked on until we approached
the flanking party, when a soldier under arms called out “where
are you going?” We replied, “we wished to see the army, &c.,
if there was no objection.” He observed “there was their
Captain, we might speak to him,” which being done, leave was
Teadily obtained, and in a few minutes we found ourselves in the
midst of a crowd of military characters, rank and file: little to be
discovered but staff officers, and a continued march of soldiers and
occasionally a troop of horse passing ; great numbers of baggage
wagons began to make their appearance, well guarded by proper
officers and soldiery. We passed through them until we reached
one of the most eligible houses in the town, t and soon after divers
of the principal officers came in, who manifested an uncommon
social disposition. They were full of their inquiries respecting
the rebels, where they were to be met with, and where Mr.
Washington was to be found, &c. This inquiry respecting the
rebels, was a general thing among the common soldiers and
others, as they moved along. The officers aforesaid, were replied
to by brother William Townsend, who modestly and spiritedly
told them that if they would have patience a short time, he ex-

* Still standing about three-quarters of a mile S. W. of West Chester, and
owned by Abraham Gibbons.

| Sconneltown.

.

23

pected they would meet with General Washington and his forces,
who were not far distant, (the front of his army was then in view
on the heights of Birmingham meeting house, though three miles
distant from us.) They inquired what sort of a man Mr. Wash-
ington was. My brother had a knowledge of him by being with him
at his quarters at Chadd’s Ford, and replied that he was a stately,
well proportioned, fine looking man, of great ability, active, firm
and resolute, of a social disposition, and was considered to be a
good man. This he observed to check their ardour for a sight of
him, and to bring forward some further observations fromTthem.
respecting him, to which one of them answered “ that he might
be a good man, hut he was most damnably misled to take up amis
against his sovereign.” During the interview, while I was con-
versing with one of the officers, I inquired of him at what place
they had encamped the night before, to which he replied that he
knew not where the main body of the army was, but their regi-
ment lay on the south side of the hill beyond Kennett Square.
He then observed to me in some rapture “ you have got a hell of
aline country here, which we have found to be the case ever
since we landed at the head of Elk.” The house we were in was
elevated, so that on the first floor where we stood we had a pretty
full view of the army as they progressed along ; and while we
were conversing together, my brother called on me to step to the
door to see General Lord Cornwallis, who was passing by. He
was on horseback, appeared tall and sat very erect. His rich
scarlet clothing, loaded with gold lace, epaulets, &c., occasioned
him to make a brilliant and martial appearance. The advanced
part of the army made a halt at this place, and refreshed their
horses by hastily cleaning off some of the corn patches that were
within their lines. It may be observed that most or all of the offi-
cers who conversed with us, were of first rank, and were rather
short, portly men, were well dressed and of genteel appearance,
and did not look as if they had ever been exposed to any hardship ;
their skins being as white and delicate as is customary for females
who were brought up in large cities or towns.

As we spent no idle time in viewing the strangers who sur-
rounded us, I discovered on a sudden there was a general stir
and movement among them; inquiry was made as to what could
be the cause, and it was answered by one of them that they were
resuming their march, and that the halt that had been made was
only to refresh their horses, to enable them to perform the several
duties prescribed them.

Having by this time become familiar with them, and no danger
or difficulty to be apprehended from them, rny curiosity or ambi-
tion was increased, and I wished a further and more full view of
them than I had before had, and to have it to say that I had seen
the whole of them as far as was practicable. I invited James

24

Johnson, an acquaintance, who was standing by, to accompany
me, and we proceeded through the crowd on the public road
until we reached the advanced guard, who were of the German
troops. Many of them wore their beards on their upper lips,
which was a novelty in that part of the country. They were
then between the dwelling of Richard Strode and Osborne’s Hill.
Being now in the front, we walked on inconsiderately until we
arrived at a pair of bars, opposite the ancient dwelling of Amos
Davis,* through which we went into the field south-west] of the
road, and walked up to the upper fence, being the division line
between the two tracts of land of Amos Davis and the heirs of his
uncle, Daniel Davis. On turning our faces back, we had a grand
view of the army as they advanced over and down the south side
of Osborne’s Ilill and the landst of James Carter, scarce a vacant
place left. While we were amusing ourselves with the wonder-
ful curiosity before us, to our great astonishment and surprise the
firing of the musketry took place; the advanced guard aforemen-
tioned having arrived at the street road, and were fired upon by a
company of the Americans, who were stationed in the orchard
north of Samuel Jones’ brick dwelling house.j: The attack was

immediately returned by the Hessians, by their stepping up the
bank of the road alongside of the orchard, making the fence as a
breast work through which they fired upon the company who
made the attack. From the distance we were from them (though
in full view until the smoke of the firing covered them from our
sight,) I was under no apprehension of danger, especially when
there was such a tremendous force coming on and ready to engage
in the action ; nevertheless, I concluded it best to retire, finding
that my inconsiderate curiosity had prompted me to exceed the
bounds of prudence. I proposed to my companion, but he re-
fused to return, being disposed to see what further steps would
take place, and how it would end.

I then made the best of my way through the crowd until I ar-
rived at the aforementioned bars on the road, which opened into
the field of Amos Davis, where I was met by several companies
of soldiers, who were ordered into the field to form and prepare
for the approaching engagement — the opening of the bars was
not of sufficient width to admit them to pass with that expedition
the emergency of the case required. A German officer on horse
back ordered the fence to be taken down, and as I was near to the
spot, I had to be subject to his requiringsas he flourished a drawn
sword over my head with others who stood by ; on the removal
of the second rail, I was forcibly struck with the impropriety of
being active in assisting to take the lives of my fellow' beings,
and therefore desisted proceeding any further in obedience to his

* See plan, fig. 5.

•f- Now occupied by his nephew; James Forsythe. f See plan, fig. 7.

25

1676473

commands. The hurry was great, and so many rushino- forward
under arms, I found no difficulty in retiring undiscovered, and
was soon out of the reach of those called immediately into action.
1 lost no time on my return; and when I arrived on the top of the
hilll discovered on the eminence in Samuel Osborn’s field a num-
ber of my acquaintances who were standing near to a considera-
ble number of persons on horseback and viewing them, and the
different movements of the army; I joined in with them. It was
now a time of some seriousness and alarm among them — the bat-
tle had commenced in earnest — little was to be heard but the
firing of the musketry and the roaring of cannon from the parties.
It appeared that those on horseback were some of the principal
officers of the British army with their aids, who had collected
together to consult respecting carrying on the engagement to the
best advantage. Among them was General Howe. He was
mounted on a large English horse much reduced in flesh, I sup-
pose from their being so long confined on board the fleet between
New York and the head of the Chesapeake Bay, which was
about six weeks, occasioned by contrary winds, &c. The gene-
ral was a large, portly man, of coarse features. He appeared to
have lost his teeth, as his mouth had fallen in. As I stood along-
side I had a full opportunity of viewing him as he sat On horse-
back, and had to observe his large legs and boots, with flourish-
ing spurs thereon. While the officers were in consultation, and
we viewing them together with the smoke issuing from the can-
non and musketry, we heard a tremendous roaring of cannon,
and saw the volume of smoke arising therefrom at Chadd’s ford.
General Knyphausen having discovered that the engagement
was on with the front of Howe’s army at the meeting house, he
immediately forced the troops under his command across the
Brandywine, and the whole of General Washington’s army in
that station were routed from their breastworks and the different
positions which they had taken to impede the march of the British.
From these circumstances General Washington concluded it pru-
dent to effect a retreat which took place accordingly. While we
remained on Osborne’s hill, we had the opportunity of making
many observations — the engagement of both armies — the fields
in front of us containing great heaps of blankets and baggage,
thrown together to relieve the men for action — the regular march
of the British army, consisting of horse and foot, artillery, bag-
gage and provision wagons, arms and ammunition, together with
a host of plunderers and rabble that accompanied the army.
Almost the whole face of the country around appeared to be
covered and alive with those objects. Their march continued
about four hours.

We remained on the hill for some time, and when the engage-
ment appeared to be nearly over, or at least that part of it which

3*

.

26

was in view, and the day being- on the decline, we were about
retiring; but as admiration and curiosity had been the order of the
day, I proposed to some of my companions that we should go
over to the field of battle and take a view of the dead and wound-
ed, as we might never have such another opportunity. Some of
them consented, and others with some reluctance yielded. We
hastened thither and awful was the scene to behold — such a num-
ber of fellow beings lying together severely wounded, and some
mortally — a few dead, but a small proportion of them considering
the immense quantity of powder and ball that had been discharged^.
It was now time for the surgeons to exert themselves, and divers
of them were busily employed. Some of the doors of the meet-
ing house were torn off and the wounded carried thereon into the
house to be occupied for an hospital, instead of the American sick
for which it had been repairing some days previous.

The wounded officers were first attended to — several of distinc-
tion had fallen, and as every thing appeared to be in a state
of confusion, and we being spectators and assistance required,
some of our number, at the request of the surgeons, became active
in removing them therein — of whom I -was one. I should have
been willing to have been informed who they -were, but it was
not a time for inquiry, and I. do not recollect to have heard the
name of one of them mentioned at that time. After assisting in
carrying two of them into the house I was disposed to see an ope-
ration performed by one of the surgeons, who was preparing to
amputate a limb, by having a brass clamp or screw fitted thereon,
a little above the knee joint, he had his knife in his hand, the blade
of which was of a circular form, and was about to make the inci-
sion, when he recollected that it might be necessary for the
wounded man to take something to support him during the ope-
ration. He mentioned to some of his attendants to give him a little
wine or brandy to keep up his spirits, to which he replied, “No,
doctor, it is not necessary, my spirits are up enough without it.”
He then observed, “ that he had heard some of them say there
was some water in the house, and if there was he would like a
little to wet his mouth.” As I was listening to the conversation
' and waiting for the water to arrive, one of my companions caught
me by the arm and mentioned that it was necessary to go out im-
mediately, as they were fixing the Picquet Guards, and if rve did
not get away in a few minutes we should have to remain within
the lines of encampment during the night. I instantly complied,
and we saved our distance, and were at liberty to return home.

The dusk of the evening was then on, and we set out, being
twelve or fifteen in number, two of whom had started earlier and
were some distance before us, and I suppose we were all under
the erroneous idea that from what had passed during the day,
there was not the probability of an American under arms in the
whole neighbourhood. But in this we were grossly deceived, for the

27

two persons aforesaid who had started early tvere talking rather
freely on the defeat of the American army in the course of the after-
noon, and were overheard by a scouting party which had been fol-
lowing the rear of the British army during the day. They were
posted in a field on an eminence and viewing the movements of the
British in the evening after the battle was over. They found it
necessary to hail the two gentlemen, who had been and were then
taking such liberties, but as no answer was returned they repeat-
ed their call, which continuing to be the case, one of them with-
out further hesitation or ceremony fired upon them. The ball
penetrated the thigh of one of them, S. K.,* and he fell.

They then rode off and rvere discovered travelling up the pub-
lic road that led to our dwellings. The report of the musket was
heard by some of our number who were behind, and that not with-
out serious apprehensions, not knowing what it could mean.
When we arrived at the place where the circumstance happened,
we were informed of the particulars, and that a kind neighbour,
Richard Strode, had assisted in carrying the wounded man into a
small house, where he lay groaning and lamenting in a most
grievous manner.

It would be difficult to express our feelings on this occasion.
We were all panic struck, not knowing but what it might be our
fate, or perhaps we might fare worse in a few minutes. We felt
our imprudence or inconsiderate conduct with great force, and
the novelties of the day were now damped. To move forward was
terrifying — to remain where we were would be no small punish-
ment under existing circumstances. Some of us had left our fami-
lies, consisting only of a few females and children, and we knew
not wrhat dreadful events might have taken place in our absence.
Imagination was worked up to a great height, and our fears were
as great as we could bear, such was the dilemma that we were in.
I considered that it had overbalanced all we had seen, and was
now without remedy. A consultation was now held and we found
ourselves surrounded with difficulties — to pursue the public toad
home was dangerous, from the expectation that the aforementioned
scouting parties or others of the military were lying in wait for
us, and°that we might be fired upon or otherwise taken up, and
carried before the prevailing power to answer for our conduct.
If we attempted to return through the fields, we were apprehen-
sive we might be met by some of the military, and more gui t
would appear than if we went boldly along the road. \\ e were
two miles from home, and the moon having got up, the night was
clear and bright and remarkably still, so that every movement
could be discovered at a distance. After various projects being
suggested, we finally resolved to take the nearest way home,
which was through divers fields and woods, from a hope that there
would be less danger and risque of being detected. Coming to

♦Simon Kerns.

28

this conclusion before we set out, that no conversation should take
place on the way, or observations made that would be unfavora-
ble, provided we should be overheard. We accordingly com-
menced our route and reached our dwellings at a late hour of the
night without molestation or alarm, except in one instance, when
climbing over a fence on the way, we surprised a flock of sheep
which lay alongside taking their repose — they started and ran off
as if their worst enemy were in close pursuit of them. Our fears
were up in an instant, not knowing but that those whom we so
much dreaded were close at hand.

We found all safe and undisturbed when we arrived at home,
but met with a severe reproof from one of our sisters for having
taken such liberties, and given way to idle curiosity, which might
have involved ourselves and family in great difficulty and dis-
tress, saying that for her part she had no wish or desire to see
one person in the whole British army. 1 was satisfied with the
correctness of her observation, but it was now too late to be reme-
died. 1 can say for myself I do not recollect ever to have felt a
more thankful heart to the great Author of my existence than 1
did after I retired to bed, though 1 knew not what might be the
consequences of that day’s expedition when it came to be known
that we had shown such an attachment to and familiarity with the
enemies of our country, and which the American forces were con-
tending against, and over whom, under the assistance of a pro-
tecting Providence, they finally prevailed, which event was the
introduction and establishment of a great and powerful nation.

APPENDIX.

Having, in the foregoing, given some account of the engage-
ment and adventures of one day, the memorable 11th of Septem-
ber, 1777, I shall now proceed to give some further account of
what took place shortly thereafter. The British army remained
on the ground of encampment at Birmingham, until the third day
of the week following, being the 16th of the month, having in the
course of that time removed all their wounded that survived to
the borough of Wilmington, (at that time in their possession,)
amounting to 111 wagon loads. They on that day commenced
their further march for the city — having formed two divisions,
one of which, commanded by General Knyphausen, proceeded
by way of Chester, and the other, being the grand one under the
command of General William Howe, who proceeded direct to the
Swedes’ fold on Schuylkill, and after marching through a severe
day’s rain, they encamped the following night on the south side of
the valley hill and around the Boot tavern, at which house the
general had his head quarters.

The ground which they had lately occupied at Birmingham

1

29

being now clear, and left in a desolate condition, exhibited a
scene of destruction and waste. Some few of the inhabitants who
remained thereon, and some others who were returning to their
respective places of abode, found it necessary to call in the assist-
ance of their neighbours, to re-bury many of the dead who lay
exposed to the open air, and destruction of beasts and wild fowls,
having (in consequence of the late heavy rains) been washed
bare, and some few of them had never been interred. I was among
a number who attended and performed that duty.

It would be difficult to describe the many cases of horror and
destruction of human beings that came under our notice in this
undertaking, but we accomplished it, though in many instances
of a most disagreeable and unpleasant nature. During the per-
formance of it, we had a full opportunity of beholding the des-
truction and wanton waste committed on the property of the
peaceable inhabitants of the neighbourhood, and on the ground
of encampment. Those who were obliged to remain thereon, had
their stock of cattle destroyed for the use of the army — their houses
taken away, and their household furniture, bedding, &c., wan-
tonly wasted and burned. It was not uncommon to see heaps of
feathers laying about the farms, the ticks having* been stripped
off and made use of, and the remains or small pieces of valuable
furniture which lay about their fire places in the fields uncon-
sumed, when there was no want of timber and fence rails that
might have been used for their cooking, &c. ; but being in an
enemy’s country, inhabited by rebels, there was no restraint on
the soldiery or rabble who accompanied them.

Having made mention that the meeting house at Birmingham
had been taken out of our possession by the Americans, in order
to accommodate the sick soldiers, it so turned out that before
they occupied it for that purpose, General Howe had the con-
trol of it for the use of his wounded officers, and 'when vacated,
and the army removed, Friends were at liberty to cleanse and
purify, which was so far done that we held one meeting in it
on the First day following after their departure, but considerable
repairs were necessary afterwards, to place it in the condition it
was in previous to our being deprived of it. During their occu-
pancy of it several of the principal officers died, and were inter-
red in the burial ground adjoining. One of them said to be a
near connection of the Duke of Northumberland, a young man
by the name of Percy.*

♦There is a tradition that Lord Percy was killed in this battle. This
is an error. Hugh Earl Percy, afterwards second Duke of Northumberland,
who commanded at the battle of Lexington, and was engaged in the reduction
of Fort Washington, left America previously to the battle ot Brandywine, and
' died in England on the 10th of July, 1817, at the age of 74. See Playfair’s
Fam. Antiq. : 1st vol. p. 161. Gent, Mag. for July, 1817,

.

{

SKETCH OF SQUIRE THOMAS CHEYNEY-

BY JOHN7 HICKMAN, JR., ESQ., OF WEST CHESTER.

The name of Thomas Cheney, familiarly known as Squire
Che3rney, is connected with some of the most important incidents
of the Battle of Brandywine. He has been mentioned by many
of those who have written concerning that engagement, still from
all that has been published, but little can be known of the true
character of the man.

His parents, John and Ann Cheyney, were emigrants from.
England, and settled in Thornbury, Chester county. Thomas,
the subject of this sketch, was their oldest child, and was born in
this country, Dec.- 12, 1731. There were four other children, John,
Joseph, Mary and Richard. In person, Thomas was strong and
athletic, with black hair, black eyes, and a complexion so dark
that it was often jokingly said of him that he had been suckled
by a squaw. His height was 5 feet 9 inches, and his weight
190 pounds. In character, he was an American, prudent, saga-
cious, resolute and brave. Through a long life his veracity was
never doubted, and his honesty was proverbial. In short, he was
one of those revolutionary patriots whose devotion to his country
was unwavering, whose affection for it exceeded all ties of home
and kindred, and 'whose example should be handed down to
posterity as one worthy of emulation.

His father was a Friend, and his mother a Presbyterian, but
his antipathy to the Friends was so very strong that he caused a
burial place to be erected on his own farm, lest his ashes might
commingle with theirs. He was twice married, and the father
of nine children. He was living with his second wife at the time
of the war. She too was on the side of her country, and like
many of our grandmothers of revolutionary memory, exerted her
every energy to aid her husband in all his plans..

His son Richard served in the American army, but his brothers
and brother-in-law, were all in the British interest, and oft re-
peated and earnest were their entreaties to their elder brother to
join them against the “rebels.” But their entreaties, backed as
they were with foreign gold, were unavailing. His course was
onward, for he had made his choice. And though the land of
his birth, the country of his affection, appeared on all sides in
imminent danger of subjugation, yet his prophetic vision seemed
to penetrate the dark and settled gloom that enshrouded it, and

-

31

his heart was buoyed -up with the sunny thought of “ liberty and
independence,” feeling strong in the confidence that both alike
would one day be his country’s glory.

His active service in the war commenced on the day of the
Battle of Brandywine. For a long time he had been watching
with intense interest the movements of the conflicting armies. On
this day whilst wending his way along the banks of the river, at
the distance of a mile or more from Brandywine, he accidentally
came upon the British army. He wras ascending a high hill and
when he had reached the summit, he found himself within less
than an hundred yards of the enemy. They immediately pur-
sued and fired upon him, but he rode a mare that on more than
one occasion signalised herself for her fleetness, and he thus es-
caped. He immediately hurried to the spot occupied by
Washington, and breathless with impatience, demanded access
to the general. He was denied his request, but his manner be-
came so impetuous, that it was finally granted. When admitted
into the presence of Washington, he informed him that he must
instantly move or he would be surrounded, that the main body of
the British was coming down on the east side of the stream, and
was near at hand. Washington replied, that he had received re-
cent intelligence of their movements, and that it could not be so.
Cheyney, replied, “you are mistaken general, my life for it, you
are mistaken,” and with great vehemence added, “ by h-11 it is
so, put me under guard until you find my story true.” He then
drew a draft of the road in the sand. Washington became satis-
fied, and immediately moved on to the high ground at the Meet-
ing House, at which place they had scarcely arrived before the
enemy came up. Thus the first authentic information of the
direction of the British army on that day, which Washington re-
ceived, was from Squire Cheyney.

The history of that hurried, unequal, and disastrous battle is
familiar to all ; yet it damped not the energies of Cheyney, there
was fuel added to the fire in his soul that day, that urged him on
with redoubled zeal. Henceforth he left all and devoted himself
to the service of his country. He was ever on the alert, and by
keeping the movements of the enemy in his eye, materially aided
Washington by imparting to him the information thus acquired.
This course he continued during all the time Washington was
encamped in this section of country.

He was early suspected for a spy by the British, and as many
stratagems were resorted to to entrap him, he was frequently in
great jeopardy. They watched his house, and frequently enter-
ed and examined it. On one occasion, it is believed, he made
his escape through the chimney. For weeks at a time he could
not venture home; on such occasions he would sometimes visit a
neighboring house, where his wife, patient sharer of his adversity

3 2

would meet him and impart to him such information as she had
acquired during his absence, and administer to him the mao-ic
cordial of deep heart felt sympathy. During a part of the winter
of ’78, he disguised himself as a day laborer, and in such disguise
was frequently asked if he could tell where Cheyney secreted
himself.

Squire Cheyney served as a Justice of the Peace before, dur-
ing, and after the war; and portions of his dockets, which still
exist, show that he caused many to be arrested for treason, and
for carrying stores to the British army whilst in Philadelphia. A
man by the name of Pennell, hired one Crossby for a bushel of
salt, then an item of some value, to decoy Cheyney into the hands
of the British, which he failed to accomplish, and after the termi-
nation of the war, Pennell sued him for the price of the salt be-
fore the Squire himself. It is not certainly known what his judg-
ment was.

He was possessed of an unusual share of sound discriminating
common sense, a trait of character often uncongenial to poesy —
yet, like the Patriarchs of old, providence revealed to him, as by
a vision of the night, the future success of his country, and poetry
lent her aid in the expression of it. One night, whilst Washington
was encamped at Valley Forge, suffering all the horrors of want,
Cheyney had a dream. He awoke soon after, rose from his bed,
and wrote it down. The paper was preserved in the family for
some time, but was eventually lost. His son VvTliam having im-
pressed it upon his memory, it was again reduced to writing with
the exception of the third stanza which he could not recall. He
imagined himself sitting in a strange room, near a table spread
with costly articles of American manufacture, in the centre of
which stood a splendid decanter filled with wine, and that after
the company had seated themselves at the table, the decanter
sang the following song.

1. Cheerful spirits here we’ll stay
And guard against despotic sway ;

Though Britain’s numerous, frightful fleet,

Makes ocean groan beneath its weight,

And guns and drums cry out so loud

To appease the vengeance of their lord,

Yet America will be free —

Yet America will be free !

2. Tho’ vassal powers them aid afford,

And demons crowd their council board,

Yet Innocence will raise its cry

And rend the cloud that shrouds the skies,

And mercy will her aid afford,

And confound their council board.

Then America will be free—

Then America will be free !

-

33-34

* * * * *

4. The ruffians return in vile disgrace —

Shame and confusion man each face,

And when before their Lord they come
They’re struck with disappointment dumb —

Begone ye scoundrel, paltry knaves
You yourselves are the greater slaves,

Since America will be free —

Since America will be free !

Squire Cheyney lived to an advanced age. He was buried on
his own farm, where his father settled when he first came to the
country, about three hundreds yards north east of what is called
“ the shops,” and within a few yards of the spot where the house
stood in which he was born. There too may be seen the grave of
his faithful wife, who lived to realize -with him for many happy
years the blessings his prophetic vision portrayed.

INSCRIPTION ON HIS TO MB.

** Sacred to the memory of
Thomas Cheyney,

WHODEPARTED THIS LIFE,

January 12, 1811.

Aged 79 years and 1 month.”

The Cheyney property has never passed out of the family. It
is now owned and occupied by Thomas W. Cheyney, a grand-
son of the Squire, and an inheritor of his virtues.

on llin .IlmndvwiiH*

PREFACE.

In laying these documents before the world, the Historical
Society has no other purpose than that of fulfilling the chief, if
not sole object of its existence — that of collecting and preserving
the materials for the history of the State of Pennsylvania. In
carrying out this design, it may sometimes happen that they lay
open matters of private history — reflecting somewhat too strong-
ly on private character ; and appear to bring back unnecessarily
the display of envy and hostility, and all those bitter feelings
which follow in the track of every distinguished career. In the
present instance, it might be inferred, that we had ransacked the
archives and recesses of family papers, to renew old and forgot-
ten scandal, and revive the current of past calumny — to refresh
old animosities, and throw doubt over the conduct and reputation
of individuals, on whom both time and history had passed their
sentence, and fixed the fame. But these papers are now placed in
charge of a public body at Portsmouth, N. H. for the unreserved
examination of all who felt an interest in the period or the events
to which they refer. Portions of them had been before publish-
ed, and in fighting over once more the battle of Brandywine, it
was impossible to do it fully and satisfactorily, without meeting
the charges that were made against Gen. Sullivan, by his con-
temporaries, of being the chief cause of the loss of that battle.
It was the wish of the society, that he should make his own de-
fence— that, if possible, every thing said against him at the time,
and every thing offered in his favour, should go before the world
together; that every rebuke and reproof, of which he received no
small amount, should be softened or established, and every charge
proved to be a calumny, or verified and vindicated. To do this,
it was absolutely necessary, that all should be published without
reserve, so that every one, at any time, may, by an examination,
make up his opinion. Our own impression was decidedly against

■

XXXVi.

Gen. Sullivan on that occasion. From an intimacy with every
lield, wood, and by-path, near where the battle was fought, we
could form no excuse for him, in not having discovered the Bri-
tish, before they came suddenly on his troops near Birmingham
Meeting House. This impression (we were, in our ignorance of
military matters, unwilling to let it harden into a fixed opinion)
has been, if not altogether removed, yet very much weakened,
by his statement in the letter to Gov. Langdon; that he only arri-
ved on the ground on the evening before the battle, and that his
light horse were at a distance, and not available. It is for mili-
tary men to decide on the importance of this apology — but ad-
mitting it, so far as to relieve him — there still appears blame to
be attached somewhere and to some one. The fords of the Bran-
dywine, were all so near to the Ameiican troops, and so accessi-
ble, that it is very difficult, not to pass censure on some one.
The roads were the same then, as now ; and a single individual
placed on them, near the several fords, would have done as well,
for the discovery of the British, as a troop. But it appears, that
the existence of a ford aboye Buffington’s, within the distance of
twelve miles, was not known to the American Commander; at
least, he heard some one state to Gen. Washington that no such
ford existed, and without any examination, took it for granted.
This apology, he offers, of ignorance, does not now avail; as, from
Dr. Darlington’s letter, it appears, that a body of the British
crossed at a ford, now known as Wistar’s, a mile or more nearer
to Sullivan than Buffington’s. He was ordered, according to his
own statement, to guard every ford as far up the creek as that
crossing place. If this had been done, he would have had suffi-
cient notice of the approach of the British ; have been enabled to
check the small body, crossing at Wistar’s ford ; given notice to
Genl. Washington, and allowed him to bring his whole force to
meet the enemy at Birmingham Meeting House; or perhaps at
some point near the river ; for Howe, with the main body, cross-
ed at Jefferis’ ford, two miles or more above Wistar’s ; and no
doubt, was several miles distant, with very fatigued troops, at the
time a portion of his army crossed at the ford last mentioned.
This fact, which was not before known, places the charge of de-
linquency and great negligence on some one; for it was only the
second ford above Genl. Sullivan’s post, and one he was ordered

'

XXXV11.

to guard ; and we know not how, safely and satisfactorily, to get
over this unfortunate fact ; it is a very strong and intractable ob-
stacle in the way of admitting excuses. One fact, that has given
a great deal of trouble to our historians, is settled by the active
examination of our Recording Secretary, during a visit, the last
autumn, to the neighborhood of the battle ground. No one has
ever been able before, to discover what, was the ford, called
“Buffington’s” by Sullivan. It appears to have been— as gather-
ed from the information of one, now alive — the ford, now known
as Caleb Brinton’s, about a hundred yards above the “forks” on
the East Branch; and a mile or more below Jeffries’ ford; so
that, as we get along in our researches, we find less and Jess
apology for the English not being discovered, before they cross-
ed in force, at Jefferis’ ford ; when, as it is now, for the first time,
we believe, made known, that they crossed in small bodies, at two
fords, below, and nearer to,. Sullivan, than that; making it very
difficult to understand how this could happen, without a most cul-
pable negligence, or a degree of helplessness, from a deficiency
of force, that made it an absurdity to hazard a conflict with the ene-
my at all. Washington, in his letter to the President of Congress,
written at Chester, the night of the battle, uses this language:
“Unfortunately, the intelligence received of the enemy’s advanc-
ing up the Brandywine and crossing at a ford, about six miles
above us, was uncertain and contradictory, notwithstanding all
my pains to get the best. This prevented me from making a dis-
position, adequate to the force with which the enemy attacked
on the right; in consequence of which, the troops first engaged,
were obliged to retire before they could be reinforced.” This
“deficiency of force” was no doubt the immediate cause of Sulli-
van’s being beaten ; but it, in no way, relieves this officer from
the charge of not having properly guarded the fords. The ex-
tracts from the letter are a very good excuse for Genl. Washing-
ton’s not sending more troops to Birmingham Meeting House ;
but they form no apology for Genl. Sullivan’s not knowing that
the enemy had crossed the fords, and the probable amount of their
force. But there is a better reason for this defeat, than negli-
gence, deficient force, or any other apology ; and one, that neither
Washington nor Sullivan, mentions; which is, the superiority
of the British troops to the American. The one was an army

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. XXXV111.

well appointed and highly disciplined; a large part of the other,
.a mere militia levy. At that time, there might be good reason
for concealing this circumstance ; lest it might discourage the
hope of the people of America, as to the ultimate result of the
contest. Now, there can be no feeling stirred, but admiration;
that men, from love of their country, should leave their homes and
peaceful occupations to fight the finest troops of the most power-
ful nation of the world. When this is considered, nearly all the
disasters of the American arms, become victories, from Lexing-
ton and Bunker Hill, to the last struggle of the revolution.

But we must be gentle with the memories of those, who served
their country in the war of the revolution. It was a period far
too trying, to allow of our judging men as on ordinary occasions.
The'conflict was one of principles. Men struggled and fought,
not for fame, or power, but for right, justice, and liberty — which,
in their opinion, the conduct of the British government tended to
encroach on, and put down. In such circumstances, we must
look to purity of motive, rather than to one’s good or ill fortune ;
and, tried in this way, we shall find strong and ready apology, for
many things, that might else receive our censure or our contempt.
In the case of the individual before us, no one for a moment doubts
his devotion. to the cause, in which he was so earnestly and ho-
nourably engaged. No one imputes to him more than negligence,
perhaps not altogether culpable, and too easy and ready a reliance
on the assertions of those, who, in the condition of feeling of that
part of the country, might have been very properly suspected of
intention to mislead. But, in the minds of all, who shall examine
this period of our revolutionary history, all, perhaps, except mili-
tary ‘critics, it will be sufficient to say that Genl. Sulivan did not
lose by his conduct in this battle, the good opinion of him whose
moral sense was too elevated to vindicate misconduct; whose
sense of justice and of the deep responsibilities under which he
was acting, was too strong to admit to any farther confidence, or
to continue in eminent positions, one who had forfeited all claims
to his consideration, by ignorance of his duty, or misconduct. To
be candid, it seems rather singular that in this affair, as in many
others in which Genl. Sullivan was unfortunate, the whole blame
was charged to him. He was unfortunate in a facility of ma-
king enemies. On every occasion, abuse was let loose upon

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xxxix.

him without mercy, and in this, it seems pretty clear that the
endeavour was not only to ruin him in Washington’s opinion, for
the purpose of putting forward St. Clair, but that there was a jea-
lousy of Washington himself. But Washington does not appear
for a moment to have d*eserted Sullivan. Though his own fame
was injured by the ill success of those he commanded, yet he
never allowed the clamours and aspersions of their enemies to
screen him, or to inflict injury and injustice on those he regarded
as innocent. His probity and sense of honour did not admit of
his increasing his own fame by ruining the reputation of others ;
nor would he allow cabal or faction to strike through their cha-
racter at him, whom they dared not to insult. E.

PAPERS RELATING TO THE BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE-

Camp at Whitcmarsh , Nov. 9th , 1777.

Much Respected Sir, — Since my last, enclosing you the evi-
dence of my conduct, in the late actions of Staten Island and
Brandywine, with the account of my conduct in general since 1 had
the honour to serve in the army, I have been honoured with the
enclosed resolve of Congress, and with aletterfrom the President,
which I also enclose. This testimony of the approbation of that
august assembly, must sufficiently repair the injuries my cha-
racter has sustained by the malicious attacks that have been made
upon it, especially when it is known that I laid before Congress
all the evidence of my conduct, in the affair of Staten Island, as
also the evidence upon every other point, that has been urged
against me. This will supersede the necessity of publishing
many of the papers, which I have taken the freedom to lay before
the General Assembly of New Hampshire. 1 have therefoie only
to beg that the Court will do me the honour to examine the
papers, and if they are clearly of opinion that I have been injured,
they will, as a mark of their approbation of my conduct, order
that the proceedings and results of the Court of Inquiry be pub-
lished, with the letter from the President of the honourable Con-
tinental Congress, and with the resolution inclosed therein, and
the certificate of his Excellency and the other officers, respecting
my conduct at the battle of Brandywine, as also the addresses of
the officers of my Division, with the address of the officers I had
the honour to command in Canada ; and that the whole may be
accompanied by this letter. I am sorry to inform the honourable
Assembly that my enemies, not content with having unjustly and
even without the least colour, censured my conduct on Staten Is-
land, proceed to urge against me the following points :

1st. That I was several days posted on the right wing of the
army, previous to the battle of Brandywine.

2nd. That I was early in the day cautioned by the Commander-
in-Chief to be particularly attentive to the enemy’s motions, which
he supposed would attempt to cross higher up the creek ; and
that I was furnished with light troops for that purpose, and that I
suffered them to come upon me by a route I never expected.

3rd. That I conveyed false intelligence to the General, which
caused them to alter his disposition, and brought on a defeat.

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41

4thly. That when my mistake was at length discovered, l
brought up my troops by a circuitous march, and in disorder
from which they never recovered.

5thly. That my officers complained bitterly of my evil conduct,
which was always productive of misfortunes to the army, and
that they had lost all manner of confidence in me.

6th ly. That I have not sufficient talents for my rank and office,
which has been the source of my repeated misfortunes.

To the first, ^second, and£third of these, I oppose the certificate
of the Commander-in-Chief, who well knows, though I came upon
the ground but the day before the action, that I had neither light
troops to scour the country, or orders to watch higher up than
the fords my troops possessed ; which, when I received my orders,
I heard the man who was giving a description of the country say,
were the only fords within twelve miles of our army. And the
light horse of our army were all ordered to the right of my post;
and the enemy crossed far above where I had any orders to
attend to.

To the fourth article I can only say that when I received orders
to march, I marched in the most direct road for the enemy, and
met them in a mile from the place where I had been before posted
with my out guards flying before them. But for this and the rest
of my conduct in the action, I refer the honorable Court to the
testimonies respecting that battle.

The fifth article is so contrary to the testimonies before referred
to, and to the unanimous declaration of my officers, that I would
not wish to call it by the name it evidently deserves. The sixth
article is also so flatly denied and contradicted by the officers
I now have the honour to command, that I need say but little on
the subject. But to remove every doubt on this head, you have
the officers among you, with whom I had the honour to serve.
There are a great number of them holding high military offices in
the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, and Connec-
ticut. I most cheerfully submit my reputation to their candid
opinion.

[ cannot help making some farther remarks upon the two last
articles, as l am so much at a loss to know what misfortunes have
been brought upon our army. It is well known that I was far from
having a hand in the misfortunes that attended the loss of Fort
Washington and Fort Lee. The destruction of the army in
Canada I had no hand in. But if the written testimony of the
officers is attended to, it will appear that I had a principal hand
in saving the remains of it.

As to my repeated ill success and misfortunes, I will venture to
repeat them as they are well known.

I had the misfortune to make the first advances towards the
enemy at Cambridge, and maintain my ground against all the.

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42

cannonade and bombardment. I had the misfortune to save a
wretched army and all the public stores, in Canada. I had the
misfortune, on Long Island, with four hundred men, to combat
with the greater part of the British array for near three hours,
having been surrounded, by the enemy’s coming by a route
which I often predicted, and which I had previous to Gen. Put-
nam’s coming over and taking the command from me, paid fifty
dollars to horsemen to patrol. 1 was so persuaded of the enemy’s
coming the route, that I went to examine, and was surrounded
by the British army, and after a long and severe engagement,
was made prisoner. I had the misfortune to attack and carry
Trenton with my division, before I received any kind of assistance,
and to be selected to attack Princeton soon after, and left with
my division to deal with the 40th and 55th regiments, while the
rest of the army engaged and routed the 17th. I then had the
misfortune to cover the retieat of our army before the enemy
when they were close at our heels. I afterwards had the misfor-
tune, with my division to cover the country from the enemy
during the most of the winter, and to keep the enemy within their
lines, though they were at least ten times mv number. I had the
misfortune on Staten Island to rout six regiments, kill and capti-
vate a large number, and destroy their large quantities of stores,
vessels, etc., and suffered the loss only of a hundred and fifty men,
most of whom suffered by their own imprudence.

The enclosed testimonies will show you that at the battle of
Brandywine I had the misfortune, after my own division was
broke by being attacked before they were formed, to attack my-
self and take command of every other corps that would stand by
me, to oppose the enemy till night, and posted the troops myself,
which so bravely covered the retreat of our army.

At Germantown, I had the misfortune to drive the enemy up-
wards of a mile with my own division before 1 received assistance,
and after that through the day to have the severity of the action,
and though the enemy made a stand at every wall and hedge and
fence, we drove their left wing-near three miles great part of the
time, shouldered arms and charged bayonets. My division being
at length left with part of Gen. Conway’s brigade unsupported by
any other troops, with scarcely a cartridge left, having in a severe
fire of three hours, expended the whole, we were at length
obliged to quit the field.

These, sir, are the misfortunes which have attended me in the
army. I can recollect none that I have brought upon it, unless
the providing them with arms, ammunition, &c., at Cambridge,
or influencing men to enlist in the service, and others to remain
after their terms were expired, may be denominated such. You
have officers among you who know all the facts above mentioned,
except the three last, and of these you have the evidence enclosed

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43

in my former letter. I readily agree that our army has been often
unfortunate, and as I always fought with it, have shared in the
general misfortunes. Perhaps those who carefully avoid action,
have been less unfortunate, but I challenge any person to produce
an instance of my being unfortunate or unsuccessful when I had
the sole command. Those infamous detracters have charged me
with misfortunes when I most violently opposed every measure
that produced them. And lest this should not answer their pur-
pose, they have charg d me with evils that never existed. Per-
haps 1 might enumerate instances where my services have been of
great advantage to the army — but if 1 have convinced the honour-
able Assembly that I have in no instance injured the army, I have
no desire to make a merit of my services. I look upon every-
thing I have done or can do, as a debt due from me to my country,
and I can venture to assert that no man takes more pleasure in
discharging his duty to his country than, dear sir,

Your obedient servant,

John Sullivan.

The Honorable John Langdon, Esquire.

•Extract of a letter from James Lovell , Member of Congress from
Mass., to Gen. Whipple ; dated Sept. 17///, 1777.

(From the Papers of Gov. Langdon.)

As to the affair at Brandywine last Thursday, I doubt whether
you will ever accurately know whether fortune alone is to be
blamed, or whether Sullivan and the chief should not share with
her in the slandering murmurs. Knowledge of the enemy’s in-
tentions on the right wing of our army, was certainly wanting.
General Washington and some good military men, especially
the highest officers, do not charge the want to Sullivan. But, as
he was under the order of Congress, for a Court of Enquiry as
to Staten Island, the Maryland officers in his division, the dele-
gates of that state, the great Burk, the friend of St. Clair, and
the connexions of Schuyler, accomplished to cast such reflections
upon his want of capacity to direct a wing of our army on this
critical day, that a majority, after first demolishing old De Borre,
effected the resolve to recall Sullivan, till his conduct should be
inquired into, as per former order. You are to take with you
that an attempt to send St. Clair to join this army had been
baffled. Agreeably to the prophecy of the minority, the Com-
mander in Chief has written in the most pressing manner, for a
suspension of the order of recall; which being carried, Ch — e
moved that a direction might go to put the Maryland troops un-
der some other M. Gi — , which would have been in effect throw-
ing out S n ; for the soldiers of other divisions would be

unwilling to serve under a man discarded by Marylanders, if the

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44

Generals would consent to exchange. R — d joined, and had the
Delaware inserted with Maryland. But those slates were the
only yeas, which, agreeable to modern petty practice, were
booked with the nays, by the request of McD. The foreign offi-
cers showed themselves to great advantage in the battle. Brevets
are given to De Coudray and all his officers, he having modest-
ly for once, asked a Captain’s for himself, and Lieutenant’s for
his attendants. On crossing the Schuylkill his horse leaped out
of the boat with him, who was foolishly in the saddle, — and so
was drowned yesterday. Count Pulaski, who headed the Po-
landers, is now commander of our cavalry, having first signalized
himself greatly in the battle of Brandywine. Baron de Kalb,
who speaks English well, and has been in Pennsylvania formerly,
and who, in manners and looks, resembles our Chief, is made a
Major General.

The intention of the enemy is to gain upoft our right wing,
but I think we are so posted, as to render it impossible. The
Lancaster Road must be so perfect a clay pit, that no cannon can
move in it for some days after the present very heavy rain.

Comp near Fatland Ford , Scpl . 20th , 1777.

Dear Sir: — In answer to your favour and request of yesterday,
I wish it was in my power to give you the complete satisfaction
you desire — but, how is it possible? I saw nothing of the dispo-
sition you had made, not getting up till the action was, in a man-
ner, over ; and then employed in hurrying on a reinforcement,
and looking out fresh ground to form the troops on, which, by
this time, were beginning to give way.

To certify what I have heard this or that officer say, respect-
ing your conduct, could answer no valuable purpose, nor the end
you have in view. Some have condemned your disposition,
though time perhaps would not allow a better, but none have
accused you of want of bravery, and exertion, that I have heard of.

1 am, dear sir, your most obedient servant,
Geo. Washington.

Dear Sir: — I have just received your letter requesting a Court
of Enquiry to-morrow or next day which I most readily agree to,
provided the situation of the army renders it practicable, but
this I much doubt, as I think it highly probable we shall march
same distance to-morrow.

I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant.

Geo. Washington.

Head Quarters , Tuesday Evening , 23 d Sept. 1777.

Camp at Perkioming , October 6th , 1777.

Dear Sir: — Since writing the letter which accompanies this,. I

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45

have had no opportunity of forwarding my papers to Congress,
and beg leave to trouble Congress with some remarks upon the
severe, and I think very unjust censure cast upon me respecting
the intelligence sent by me to General Was ington the day of the
battle on Brandywine. I wish only to acquaint Congress with
the facts. It was ever my opinion that the enemy would come
round on our right flank. This opinion I often gave the Gen-
eral. I wrote him that morning that it was clearly my opinion.
I sent him two messages to the same purpose in the forenoon,
and the very first intelligence I received, that they were actually
coming that way, I instantly communicated to him. After which
the General sent me word to cross the Brandywine with my di-
vision and attack the enemy’s left, while the army crossed below
me to attack their right ; this I was preparing to do, when Major
Spear came to me and informed that he was from the upper coun-
try, that he had come in the road, where the enemy must have
passed to attack our right, and that there was not the least ap-
pearance of them in that quarter, and added thatGenl. Washing-
ton had sent him out for the purpose of discovering whether the
enemy were in that quarter. The account was confirmed by a
Sergeant Tucker of the Light Horse, sent by me on purpose to
make discoveries, and had passed on as he said to Lancaster road.
This intelligence did by no means alter my opinion which was
founded not upon any knowledge I had of the facts, but upon an
apprehension that General Howe would take that advantage
which any good officer in his situation would have done. I con-
sidered, however, that if my opinion or the intelligence I had sent
the General, had brought him into a plan of attacking the enemy
on the advantageous heights they were possessed of, and a de-
feat should follow, that I should be justly censured for withhold-
ing from him part of the intelligence I had received, and thereby
brought on the defeat of our army; I therefore sat down and
wrote Major Spear’s account from his own mouth and forwarded
it to his Excellency by a light horseman, and ordered the Major
to follow himself. I never made a comment or gave my opinion
upon the matter. Col. Harrison, member from Virginia, is pos-
sessed of a copy of the letter as the General’s aid-de-camps in-
form me. I beg Congress to see it, and then judge whether I
could have been excused for withholding that intelligence mere-
ly because my opinion did not coincide with the declaration.
Had the General crossed over; left his own advantageous post
(when I considered to oppose an enemy in front,) and found the
whole British army well posted in his front, and his army put to
the rout, having a river unfordable in the rear, except in one or
two places, and most of his troops pushed into it, which must have
inevitably been the case if he was defeated; I say, if this had all
happened (which was at least possible,) and he had afterwards

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46

found out that I had received and withheld the intelligence, which
might have prevented this misfortune, and demanded my rea-
sons, I believe I never should have been able to give one which
would be satisfactory to him, to Congress, or to the world.

I know it to be part of my duties to give him every intelligence
I receive without withholding any part of it, because it does not
coincide with my own opinion, and I as well know it is exceed-
ing hard to be censured for doing my duty, which has been too
much the case since I have been in the Army.

I must beg leave to make an observation upon the latter part
of Colonel Price’s testimony respecting the Staten Island Expe-
dition, he gave it as his opinion, that one brigade should have
recrossed where we crossed in the morning. When it is known
that Gen. Smallwood had retreated two miles and a half from
the fork of the road that leads there, in order to form a junction
with me ; that part of the enemy kept even with us all the way
and the residue followed in his rear, that they were between him
and the ferry, and on his flank; if he had been sent back it re-
quires no great share of military knowledge to see the madness
of separating my force, and sending one part to be first sacrificed,
that the other might afterwards be cut to pieces with the greatest
ease. I must add to this, that a tender lay near this place, which
in ten minutes might have been completely possessed of the
place, and had crossed at and have prevented all possibility of
passing. What must have been the fate of this brigade, if I had
ordered them over in that place, and marched the others off' at the
distance of eight miles, may easily be conceived. I have ever
conceived it dangerous, when it remains doubtful whether the
whole force under an officer’s command is capable to combat and
vanquish the enemy, to divide his force and send them by differ-
ent routes and put it in the power of the enemy to follow either
party with an assurance of their own superiority of numbers, and
the certainty of the inferiority of the party they wish to destroy.
I have been thus particular because I know some of my officers
have censured my conduct because 1 did not adopt the plan men-
tioned by Col. Price. I hope Congress will excuse the length of
my letters, as they willnotin future be troubled with many letters
from Your most obedient servant,

John Sullivan.

His Excellency, John Hancock, Esq.

York , October 12/A, 1777.

Sir: — I was present at the action of Brandywine and saw and
heard enough to convince me that the fortune of the day was
injured by miscarriages where you commanded.

I understood you were several days posted with the command
on the right wing, that you were cautioned by the Commander-
in-Chief early in the day to be particularly attentive to the ene-

47

my’s motions who he supposed would attempt to cross higher up
the creek and attack your flank; that you were furnished with
proper troops for reconnoitring, and yet you were so ill informed
of the enemy’s motions that they came up at a time and by aroute
which you did not expect, that you conveyed intelligence to the
Commander-in-Chief which occasioned his countermanding the
disposition he had made for encountering them on the route by
which, it afterwards appeared, they were actually advancing;
that when at length the mistake was discovered you brought up
your own division by an unnecessary circuit of two miles, and in
the greatest disorder, from which they never recovered, but fled
from the fire of the enemy without resistance. That the miscar^
riages on that wing made it necessary to draw off a great part of
the strength from the centre, which exposed General Wayne to
the superiority of the enemy.

I heard officers on the field lamenting in the bitterest terms,
that they were cursed with such a commander, and I overheard
numbers during the retreat, complain of you as an officer, whose
evil conduct was for ever productive of misfortunes to the army.

From these facts I conclude that your duty as a General was
not well performed. Otherwise the enemy’s motions on the
wing where you particularly commanded would not have been un-
known to you during great part of the day of action. Nor could
they have advanced by an unknown and unexpected route, for
you ought to have made yourself well acquainted with theground.
Nor would you have brought up your troops by an unnecessary
circuit, and in disorder, which exposed them to be surprised
and broken.

I also concluded that the troops under your command had
no confidence in your conduct, and from the many accounts I
had officially received of your miscarriages, I conclude, and am
still possessed of an opinion, that you have not sufficient talents
for your rank and office, though I believe you have strong dispo-
sitions to discharge your duty well.

I consider it as one essential part of my duty to attend to the
appointments of the army, and where I perceive that any so un-
qualified as l deem you to be, has got into a command, where
incompetence may be productive of disasters and disgrace, it is
my duty to endeavor to remove him. In discharge of this I gave
to Congress all the information I was able, carefully distinguish-
ing what I saw, what I heard, and from whom, as far as I was
acquainted with persons. I urged your recall with all the force
I could, and thought it, and still do think it necessary for the pub-
lic good, because in all your enterprises, and in every part of
your conduct, even as represented by yourself, you seem to be
void of judgment and foresight-in concerting, of deliberate vigor
in executing, and of presence of mind under accidents and emer-

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48

gencies — and from these defects seem to me arise your repeated
ill success.

These seem to me to form the great essentials of a military
character. Nor do I think you the only officer in our army
who is deficient in them. Nor were my endeavors to fiee the
army from insufficient officers intended to be confined to you.
I scarcely know your person, and was not conscious of any inju-
ry from you — for a particular reason I should have had great
pleasure in justly forming a better opinion of you, but no reason
can induce me to overlook the defects of officers, on whom so
much depends. Nor will any thing deter me from pursuing the
measures suggested by my own judgment.

I have now related every thing which I acted with relation to
you in Congress, together with my motives. I have set down
my intelligence, and the opinion I gave concerning you. What
Kills you struggled for, what fires you sustained, I neither saw
nor heard of. Your personal courage I meddle not with; 1 had no
knowledge of it, and I was cautioned to say nothing unjust or
unnecessary. My objection to you is want of sufficient talents,
and I consider it as your misfortune, not fault; it is my duty, as
far as I can, to prevent its being the misfortune of my country.

The purpose of this information is that you may indubitably
know I gave Congress all the intelligence and opinions concern-
ing you here set down, and then to ask you in direct terms if you
mean the disrespectful expressions in your late letter to Congress,
on the subject of your conduct at Brandywine, to be applied to
me? If you did, sir, I must inform you, you are mistaken in the
matter contained in those expressions; my demeanor was entirely
void of parade and ostentation, and entirely simple and attentive.
I did not gallop my horse at all, but when I attempted to rally
some of your flying troops. The manner of these expressions,
which I suppose you meant for wit and sarcasm, are as unbe-
coming the soldier as the gentleman, and inconsistent with that
plain and dignified simplicity which ought to be the style of per-
sons in either rank. Were quaint witicisms my talent, I should
not * * *

[Edmund Burke.]

The signature of this letter is wanting. The succeeding let-
ter is endorsed as a copy of a letter to Mr. Burke.

Camp near White Marsh, Oct. 27th, 1777.

Sir,— I received your polite favour of the 12th inst., in conse-
quence of which have enclosed in a letter to Congress, certifi-
cates from the Commander in Chief and the officers of my divi-
sion, which totally contradict those points you have urged to
Congress, and upon which you. have formed so generous an
opinion. If you are that candid person you intimate in some

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49

parts of your letter, and wish to be convinced of your error, you
may call on one of your colleagues fora copy of my last letter,
and the papers enclosed, and you will have nothing left to sup-
port your opinion but that prejudice which I think your letter too
plainly discovers.

As to your opinion of my military abilities, it can give me no
uneasiness until you give me better evidence of your capacity to
judge in matters of this nature. If you have set yourself upon
clearing the army of officers who are unequal to the task, I
have only to lament that some of the judges furnished by rny
country are so competent.

Your peremptory demand of an explanation of my letter to
Congress, must be as peremptorily denied : so far as you are
conscious the garment suits, I have no objection to your wearing
it; that part which does not fit, you need not meddle with; but
give me leave to assure you, it is not the last thing I shall say
against those who have meddled with my character. As to my
being within your reach, the fault must be your own. If I am
not, perhaps no man in America is more easily found than my-
self, and I can assure you with truth, that when you appear in the
character you promise, no man will be more rejoiced to see you
than

Your humble servant,

John Sullivan.

A true copy, Eustace, A. D. C.

I hereby certify that the foregoing are copies of letters con-
tained in a collection of letters to Maj. Gen. John Sullivan, and
deposited in the Library of the Portsmouth Athenaeum.

John L. Haves.

Portsmouth, N. Hampshire , Nov. 30th, 1845.

At Camp near Schuylkill , 23rd Feb’ry, 1777.*

I do hereby declare, to have seen Major Gen’l Sullivan, in the
battle between Brandywine and Birmingham’s Meeting House,
the lith September, 1777.

1st. Rallying his men with great ardour.

2ndly. His endeavours being unsuccessful, I saw him at Ld.
Stirling’s Division, which was fighting upon the Hill.

3rdly. This Division Retreating, he try’d to rally some, and
put them behind the fences.

4thly. This position not being attacked, he forms again, the
troops near the road, behind a house, to the left of General
Green’s Division, where he fought till night, and where his horse
got wounded.

* Thug in the original, but evidently a mistake for 1778.

50

l declare upon my Honour that he appear’d to behave like a
brave and cool man.

Fleury, Brigade Major.

To Major General Sullivan.

Camp near Pottsgrove, Sept'r 24, 1777.

In compliance with the request of General Sullivan, that I
would mention what I saw of his behaviour at the action of
Brandywine, on the 1 1th of this month, I declare when I saw him
in the Engagement, (which was in the evening, about the time
that General Weedon’s Brigade was brought up to the right,)
he appeared to me to behave with the greatest calmness and
bravery; and at that time I had occasion to observe his beha-
viour, as I was then with General Washington, anc{ heard General
Sullivan tell him that all the superior officers of his Division had
behaved exceedingly well ; and after some other conversation
with the General, General Sullivan, turning to me, requested I
would ride up to General Weedon, and desire him to halt Colonel
Spottswood’s and Col. Stephens’s Regiments in the ploughed
Field, on our right, and form them there ; which I did ; and on
my return I was informed that General Sullivan, while I was de-
livering his orders, had his horse shot under him.

Charles Coteswortii Pinkney,

' Col. of the 1st Contin’l Regim’t of

So. Carolina.

Camp near White DIarsh, Oct. 25 th, 1777.

Much Esteemed Sir, — In a letter from Mr. Burk, member
from North Carolina, dated the 12th inst., he informs me that he
has represented to Congress that I was posted with the command
on the right wing of our Army, previous to the battle of Brandy-
wine.

2nd. That I was early in the day cautioned by the Commander
in Chief to be particularly attentive to the enemy’s motions, who
he supposed would attempt to cross higher up the Creek: and
that I was furnished with Light Troops for that purpose, which I
neglected, and suffered to come upon me by a route I never
expected.

3rd. That I conveyed false intelligence to the General,
which caused him to alter his dispositions, and brought on a
defeat.

4th. That when the mistake was at length discovered, I brought
up my Troops by a circuitous march, aud in a disorder from
which they never recovered.

5th. That he heard my officers lamenting in the bitterest terms
that they were cursed with such a Commander, whose evil con-
duct was ever productive of misfortune to the Army.

.

■

V /•

51

6th. That my Troops had no confidence in my conduct.

7th. That I had not sufficient talents for my rank and office ;
that I am void of judgment and foresight in concocting, of deli-
berate vigor in executing, and of presence of mind under acci-
dents and emergencies, — from which has arisen my repeated ill
success.

As the gentleman has been generous enough to acknowledge
the several points he has urged against me, it becomes my duty
to remove every impression from the minds of Congress which
those assertions might have made; and 1 doubt not Congress
will indulge me in it, while I treat with decency the gentleman
who informs me that, as a member of that respectable body, he
made those representations. As I wish freedom of speech
ever to be maintained in that august assembly, I have the most
sanguine hopes that the person whose conduct has been, by mis-
take of a member, misrepresented, may have every opportunity
of removing the prejudice tvhich those representations may have
made.

As to the first of those, it wras so far from being true, that I was
never sent to the Lower Ford till the evening before the action —
this was called Brenton’s Ford. I was ordered to take post there
with my main body, to send a guard to the next Ford, about a
mile and half above me, another to Jones’s Ford, one and half
miles still higher up, and another to Bufienton’s Ford, a mile
above that, immediately upon my arrival. I detached the Dela-
ware Regiment to the first Ford, one Battallion of Hazen’s to Jones’,
and another to Buffenton’s, when I received those orders, as I
ever had been of opinion that the enemy would endeavour to turn
our right. I inquired of His Excellency whether there v/ere no
Fords still higher up, to which the person who was then giving
him information of the country replied, there is none within twelve
miles; the roads leading to, and from which, are almost inacces-
sible. His Excellency also observed, that all the Light Horse
of the Army were ordered on the right tving to give information;
and of course I had no orders, or even hints, to look at any other
places, but those before mentioned, nor had I Light Troops or
Light Horsemen furnished for the purpose, nor will any person
attempt to say it who knows the facts. I had but four Light
Horsemen, two of which I kept at the upper Fords, to bring me
intelligence. The others I kept to send intelligence to Head
Quarters. But to this charge, as also to the second and third,
which the gentleman has been pleased to exhibit against me, I
offer in opposition His Excellency’s Declarations, copy of which
I enclosed, and Congress must soon see how void of foundation
they are.

4

'

52

The fourth article of charge I have fully answered in my state
of the affair of Brandywine.

As to the fifth and sixth articles of charge I can only say, that
I think the gentleman much mistaken, as all the officers present
in my division have signed the contrary, except part of the
officers of Hazen’s Regiment, the reason of which may easily he
conceived. I take the opportunity of inclosing a copy of one from
the third Maryland Regiment, but have not time to copy the
others, to forward them by this opportunity. I think the gentle-
man had better take more pains to inform himself before he made
the representation, as I am confident he cannot find three in my
Division that would wish to be from under my Command, not
even the writer of the letter against me, who is every day ex-
pressing his sorrow for being the author of it.

As to the seventh article, I can only observe that the gentle-
man’s judgment is so far superior to all the Generals, and other
Officers with whom I have served, and his opportunities of form-
ing an opinion respecting my abilities so much greater, that I
dare not attempt to contradict him, but leave him to enjoy what
opinion of me he thinks proper. In addition to the evidence al-
ready sent to Congress, I beg leave to enclose another, from one
of Lord Stirling’s Aid de Camp’s, just now come to hand. I shall
conclude with some few remarks respecting my being repeatedly
unfortunate. 1 am but too well convinced that our Army have
been unfortunate, and as I am always in action with them, am
compell’d to take my share of the misfortunes. Those who
avoid being in actions, perhaps are less unfortunate than myself.
There have been but two actions in which the main Army have
been completely victorious, and I think in those I had a principal
hand. I have never yet engaged separate from the Army, except
on Staten Island, and I can by no means persuade myself that
this was any thing less than an advantageous victory, though not
so complete as I could wish, and even if it was not, the fault was
not mine.

I knowr it has been generally reported that I commanded on
Long Island when the actions happened there. This is by no
means true ; General Putnam had taken the command from me
four days before the action ; Lord Stirling commanded the main
body without the lines ; I was to have commanded under General
Putnam within the lines. I was very uneasy about a road through
wffiich I had often foretold the enemy would come, but could not
persuade others to be of my opinion. I went to the Hill near
Flat Bush to reconnoitre the enemy, and, with a piquet of four
hundred men, was surrounded by the enemy, wffio had advanced
by the very road I had foretold, and which I had paid horsemen
fifty dollars for patrolling by night, while I had the command, as
I had no foot for the purpose, for which 1 was never reimbursed.

53

&s it was supposed unnecessary. What resistance I made with
those 400 men against the British Army, I leave to the officers
who were with me to declare. Let it suffice for me to say, the
opposition of the small party lasted from half past nine to twelve
o’clock. I challenge any person to mention a single instance of
my being unfortunate, except in common with the Army ; with-
out them I have done nothing, except on Staten Island. I hope
Congress will not deem my scourging the enemy, and keeping
them within their lines, during the course of last winter, with
my Division alone, unfortunate, or my bringing safely the
wretched Army out of Canada ; which are the only separate
commands I have ever had, where any thing important was to be
done.

Thus, Sir, have I endeavoured to refute all that this gentleman
has asserted concerning me ; whether I have, or have notso done,
Congress will judge. If I have removed every prejudice from
their minds, which those groundless assertions have occasioned,
I shall be happy; — if not, I must content myself with having
endeavoured to do it, by the most open, fair, and impartial state
o' facts that I am capable of, and by giving every evidence in
support of them that I could conceive was necessary.

I am, dear Sir, with much respect,

Your most obedient servant,

Jno. Sullivan.

His Excellency, Joax Ha x cock.

P. S. The reason of the few Troops being on Long Island,
was because it was generally supposed that the enemy’s landing
there was only a faint, to draw our Troops there, that they might
the more easily possess themselves of New York. I have often
urged, both by word and writing, that, as the enemy had doubt-
less both those objects in view, they would first try for Long
Island, which commanded the other, and then New York (which
was completely commanded by it) would fall of course. But in
this I was unhappy enough to differ from almost every officer in
the Army, till the event proved my conjectures were just.

J. S.

Camp New Hanover , Sept. 25, 1777.

Sir, — Your letter of the 24th instant has deprived me of the
pleasure of doing an unsolicited favour, for antecedent to the re-
ception of it, I had determined, so far as my influence, and know-
ledge of facts enabled me, to rescue your reputation from the
undeserved calumny thrown upon you by the captious and ungene-
rous multitude. And to convince you, that my declarations are
entirely uninfluenced by any thing which has passed between us,
since the day of action, I have the further satisfaction to assure

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54

you, that in retiring from the field, I more than once expressed
the highest sense of your personal bravery, and great activity in
rallying the troops.

With respect to the arrangement of the army, you must be sen-
sible, it was out of my province to know by whom it was com-
manded, and, of course, on whose shoulders the censure, if any
was incurred, ought to fall. But this circumstance may undoubt-
edly be ascertained from Lord Sterling, and other General officers
in the field. As your division took its place in the line, after you
had seen them, I always supposed it to be the result of council.

The enemy by good luck, or perhaps policy, made their attack
before the intended disposition of your division, which in ray
opinion was remarkably advantageous, could be carried into exe-
cution. It was therefore rather to be considered as unfortunate,
as ill-judged, and not to be laid at the door of any particular
officer. But sir, whatever turns the scale of victory (by the by,
let me digress to observe, that the victory was ours, and the
ground the enemy’s) whether accident or design — like the ancient
usage of the Jews — some sacrifice must be made to the people, and
it is not less frequent than to be lamented, that in the Milita. y
Department, the man who may have embarked every thing m
the common bottom, and bravely, but without success, defended
in person his country’s cause, is more liable to become the victim
than the fortunate coward or the clamorous pretender.

The place which I have the honour to hold in the army, natur-
ally gave me the best opportunity of observing the behaviour of
every general officer, in the centre of the line, and to my great
concern, I saw you and Lord Sterling, with General Conway, from
the commencement of the action, until you was deserted almost
by every man, ride from right to left, encouraging and driving
the soldiers to their duty, till the enemy were pouring a severe
fire on both flanks, and pressing on with charged bayonets in
front. Sometime before this, I thought you had exceeded the
bounds, both of prudence and courage.

Be assured, sir, that I claim little merit in the above narration,
for I defy any man who was a witness of your conduct, to gain-
say it. Whatever others may say, must be the effect of caprice,
or ungenerous prepossesions. I have the honour to be with re-
spect, Your humble servant,

Wm. Willcox, Aid-de-Camp.

Major General Sullivan.

Ido hereby certify that on the 1 1 th of September Major General
Sullivan showed all the bravery and coolness that can be expect-
ed from a man of honour, during the action, and all the possible
activity after the rout to rally the troops. Genl. Sullivan having
'come up with his division when the enemy was within half a mile

. ..

55

of our front, the short time left to his troops in order to form, was
hardly sufficient for well disciplined troops and well exercised,
and by no means sufficient for the troops of this army, who ap-
pear to me to manoeuvre upon false principles, and where I cannot
discover as yet the least notion of displaying columns, and form-
ing briskly upon all emergencies. The division of the right had
full time to form, the ground upon which said division was to
draw up, was exceeding favorable, and if part of the division was
not formed completely before the engagement, the fault cannot be
imputed to Genl. Sullivan, who although he had a right to take
the right of the line, took the left, in order to save time ; a proof
that the division of the right had full time to form, that Lord Ster-
ling’s division which was next to it, was completely formed when
the enemy appeared. This is my sincere opinion; the true cause
of the loss of the battle must be known to all those who are ac-
quainted with what passed that day, and two days before the
action.

Given under my hand at Harlam Camp, the twentieth day of
September, 1777.

Thos. Conway, Brigr. Genl.

Major General Sullivan.

Wilmington , September 5th, 1777.

Sir: — This day the whole of the continental troops at this
place are to move forward far as Newport, as is General Potter’s
Brigade; General Irwin’s remains upon the works at this place
until farther orders. At Newport we are to form, and perhaps
throw up lines from Christiana on the left, to White or perhaps
lied Clay creek (I forgot which is the name) on the right.

The enemy, as far as we yet learn, appears to spread over some
considerable space of countrv, but in a detached way, from
Couche’s Mills to some part of Nottingham. In the skirmish of
Wednesday morning perhaps the loss on each side may be nearly
equal, but ours think themselves the best off. Deserters are fre-
quently coming in, wholly German; they call the enemy larger
than they can possibly be.

In the character of Quarter Master General some person is
much wanted; he should be active, attentive, a penman, and a
man of device — and as he must have accounts and handle money,
his probity Council will easily advert to. Should Council be at
any loss about a proper person, there are none occurs to me at
present more fit than Mr. Matthew Irwin, late commissary, or
Capt. Lyttle.

About 400 more arms are wanted with all possible expedition,
but we shall probably want a great number, as some are insuffi-
cient and others wanting repairs. The State Artillery is not yet
come up, and the moment uncertain when Mr. Howe may make

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56

his push, or should he delay we appear drawing nearer his
Quarters.

[The remainder of this letter is taken up with a difficulty which
occurred with an engineer, and has nothing relative to the army.]

John Armstrong.

To His Excellency, Thomas Wharton.

Head Quarters , Newport , Sept. 8th, 1777.

Sir: — Last night I received your favour of the 5th instant.

The troops a coming from Bucks County must, if not armed,
receive their arms at Philadelphia, or wait for them at Wilming-
ton, for at Head Quarters we have nothing of that kind.

I am of opinion with your honorable council, that the five
thousand additional to the former demand, lately called for by
Congress, are a number too large; they cannot be armed by the
public, and if the neighboring States do any thing at all, we rnay
venture to say with some degree of positivety they will not be
wanted. The Resolve for raising occasionally as many as may
guard or conduct the prisoners, &c.,l take to be a prudent one;
and liberal enough, only that council will please to keep an at-
tentive eye that not less than four or five thousand without a
chasm remain in the field. The two Brigades, by the last return
I have had, amount in the total to 2973 — perhaps the next return
may be more perfect. On the subject of desertion I will com-
mit somewhat to Col. Henry. This morning we expected the ap-
proach of the enemy, and yet continue to look for their movement.
My private opinion is, which last night I delivered to his Excel-
lency, that if Mr. Howe do not come on very soon, his inten-
tion is to re-embark on the Delaware, cross over and land where
he may think most convenient on the Jersey shore, march up to
the Shevardefrize, and the ships of force by water; from these I
presume he will not again separate at any great distance but co-
operate as far as may be, and by these in the sequel expects to
bombard the City. From this conjecture, the two following in-
ferences are natural; we should either attack him in his camp, or
if he move, press hard upon his rear — and this before the ship-
ping get round. The former requiring better intelligence than
any our good General has yet received. The second is that the
Jersey Militia should immediately finish the labour at Billings-
port, or rather take post on their own shore. This [ shall men-
tion to the General, but wish Congress would anticipate his let-
ters by immediately writing to Governor Livingston, if that is not
already done. Your favor of the 6th is this moment came to
1 hand. I shall take particular care to have the Resolves respect-
ing Arms and Blankets communicated to the soldiery. The army

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generally are in good spirits -and look for action. I cannot add
but that

l am with respect your excellency’s

most obedient humble servant,

John Akmstrong.

To His Excellency, Thomas Wharton, Junr.

West Chester ^ November 29 th, 1845.

Dear Sir: — When the British Army landed at the head of
Elk, the inhabitants *of Wilmington supposed the enemy would
march through that 'place, on their way to Philadelphia; and,
with a view to preserve their property, a number of merchants,
and others, sent their goods into Chester County, near the forks of
the Brandywine — exactly in the way of the depredations which
they hoped to escape! A large quantity of liquors was stored in
the cellar of Emmor Jefferis, at Jefferis’s ford — the very route by
which Sir William Howe and Lord Cornwallis passed with the
main division of the enemy. The British soldiers ransacked the
house — rolled the casks of liquor out of the cellar — knocked in
the heads of the vessels, and drank of the contents until a great
number of them became intoxicated. Sir William Howe took
Mr. Jefferis with *him as a guide, to conduct him towards Bir-
mingham Meeting House. When -they arrived on Osborn’s
hill, in view of the Meeting House, the Americans were posted
on the high ground about a quarter of a mile south of that build-
ing, with some light companies thrown forward into the walled
.grave yard. The British pushed steadily forward, until, after a
short conflict, the Americans gave way, and retreated towards
Dilworthstown ; Sir William in the mean time viewing the battle
from Osborn’s hill. After the retreat commenced, Howe moved
on after the army, taking Mr. Jefferis some distance with him.
Mr. J. used often to relate, that when they approached the contend-
ing forces, the bullets from the Americans whistled so sharply by
him, that he could not refrain from dodging his head, as they pass-
ed; which Sir William observing, called out very encouragingly —
“Don't be afraid Mr . Jefferis , they wont hurt you." Mr. J. how-
ever, took the earliest opportunity to quit the scene, and return
home.

The late Col. McClellan, of this county, who was a Captain in
the American army, pointed out to me the position which his
company occupied, on the left wing of the line, when formed,
"South of Birmingham Meeting House. It was on the eminence
immediately south of where the road turns at right angles, to the
east and west, about a quarter of a mile south of the Meeting
House. He said, when the British approached them, a stout
man whom he took to be a Scotchman, and who was evidently
*under the influence of liquor, advanced recklessly and placed

.

53

himself behind a little mound, made by the roots of a tree which
had been blown down. From this position, which was within
pistol shot of McClellan’s company, the British soldier fired, and
killed the Sergeant, who was standing by Capt. McClellan’s side.
This of course attracted McClellan’s notice. The American
Captains, at that time, were armed with Carbines, subsequently
they carried Spontoons. Capt. M. seeing his Sergeant fall, and
observing whence the fatal missile came, perceived that the man
was re-loading his piece, as he lay crouched behind the mound,
and partially protected by it, and determined to anticipate him.
He discharged his Carbine with deliberate aim, and said he saw
the soldier roll over, evidently disabled, if not killed. The ad-
vance of the Enemy now caused an immediate retreat. Col.
McClellan told me, the last he saw of Gen. Washington,ihat day,
was in the Wilmington road, about a mile below Dilworthstown.
The General finding some officers there, during the retreat, rode
up and inquired if any of them were acquainted with the country
between that place and Chester. Capt. McClellan, being a na-
tive of the County, (it was all Chester County, at that time) re-
plied in the affirmative ; whereupon Gen. W. desired him to col-
lect as many of the dispersed soldiery as possible, and rendez-
vous at Chester the next morning. Gen. Washington's head
quarters were at Benjamin Ring’s tavern, about three quarters of
a mile East of Chadd’s ford. He was there, and there about, all
the fore part of the day of the battle. When he ascertained that
the main body of the enemy were at Birmingham Meeting House
and engaged with our troops, he was anxious to proceed thither
by the shortest and speediest route. He found a resident of the
neighborhood, named Joseph Brown, and asked him to go as a
guide. Brown was an elderly man, and extremely loth to under-
take that duty. He made many excuses, but the occasion was
too urgent for ceremony. One of Washington’s Suite dismount-
ed from a fine charger, and told Brown if he did not instantly
get on his horse, and conduct the General by the nearest and
best route to the place of action, he would run him through, on the
spot. Brown thereupon mounted, and steered his course direct
towards Birmingham Meeting House, with all speed — the Gene-
ral and his attendants being close at his heels. He said the horse
leapt all the fences without difficulty, and was followed in like
manner by the others. The head of Gen. Washington’s horse,
he said, was constantly at the flank of the one on which he was
mounted ; and the General was continually repeating to him,
“Push along, old marl” — Push along , old man ” When they
reached the road, about half a mile west of Dilworthstown, Brown
said the bullets were Hying so thick that he felt very uncomfort-
able ; and as Washington now no longer required, nor paid at-
tention to his guide, the latter embraced the first opportunity to

59

dismount and make his escape. This anecdote I had from my
Father, who was well acquainted with Brown, and had often
heard him relate the adventure. Some light troops, belonging to
the division which went with Howe and Cornwallis to attack
Washington’s right flank, passed by the ford where now is “Wis-
tar’s Bridge.” The Wister farm was then owned by John Brin-
ton. He was an eccentric, daring little man, and a furious Whig,
somewhat intemperate in his habits ; and in the latter years of his
life (when I knew him well) he was so extravagant in his deport-
ment, when excited by liquor, that he was commonly called
“Crazy Johnny.” When the companies aforesaid approached
his house, he greeted them with a hearty “ Hurrah for General
Washington /” They immediately arrested him, and treated him
very roughly. They threatened to kill him instantly, if he did
not Hurrah for King George. They prevailed, after some time,
to make him say Hurrah for King George — but he immediately
added — Washington! Finding him utterly unmanageable, they
plundered his house, and took him with them, as a prisoner, to
Philadelphia, where he was detained a long time, and treated
with great severity. While the British armed ships, Roebuck
and Liverpool, were at anchor in the Delaware, there was great
excitement among the people, and some projects set on foot to
destroy them. And on one occasion, this same “Crazy Johnny”
shouldered his musket, went down to the river shore, and wading
in as far as he could towards the vessels, courageously delivered
his fire, and then marched back again! As long as he lived (which
was some thirty years afterwards,) he always affected the cos-
tume of that day — especially the old Revolutionary cocked hat.

The late Serjeant at arms of the U. S. Senate, Gen. Mountjoy
Bayly, who belonged to the Maryland Line, told me he com-
manded a scouting party, at the Battle of Brandywine, and was
reconnoitering the country, about the forks of that stream, just
before Howe and his division came along. He said he called at
a house owned by a namesake of his, (where Joseph Burton now
resides,) and found the owner to be such a warm friend of Sir
William, that it was expedient to pass himself for a British offi-
cer. By that ruse he obtained some refreshments, and what was
of more importance, he learnt that the enemy were close by, and
momently expected to pass that way. He, of course, found a
pretext for a short visit to his namesake, and made the best of his
way back to the American army. The news, however, was too
late to be of much value.

Some three or four and twenty years ago, I was dining with
Mr. Adams (then Secretary of State,) and happened to sit at table
next to Gen. Samuel Smith — who so distinguished himself by
the defence of Mud Fort, and was so long a Representative and
Senator in Congress, from Maryland. The General was, as usual,

60

in a sociable, communicative humor, and finding that I resided
near the Brandywine battle ground, he was pleased to entertain
me with a particular account of his own experience on that event-
ful occasion. Gen. Smith had command of a regiment, that day,
and told me, among other details which have now escaped from
memory, that during the confusion of the retreat he some how
get entirely separated from his command, and being unacquaint-
ed with the country, he was apprehensive of falling in with the
enemy. Feeling his situation to be forlorn and perilous, he re-
solved to take vigorous measures to extricate himself. He rode
up to the house of a farmer, who was a Quaker, or Friend, and
told him he must conduct him (Smith) forthwith, and by a safe
route, to Chester. The Friend demurred and protested against
the undertaking. Col. Smith told him the case admitted of no
delay, and drawing a pistol, assured him he was a dead man if he
did not get his horse instantly and show the way to Chester. The
Friend was alarmed, and exclaiming “ What a dreadful man thou
art!" went and saddled his horse, and prepared to set out. —
“Now,” said Col. S. “I have not entire confidence in your fideli-
ty, but I tell you explicitly, that if you do not conduct me clear of
the enemy, the momont I discover your treachery I will blow
your brains out.” The terrified farmer exclaimed, “Why thou art
the most desperate man 1 ever did see!" The General added, that
the Friend conducted him safely across the country to the place
of destination, and was dismissed with proper acknowledgments
for the favor.

I have thus hastily thrown together a few of the Ntigae histori-
cal of that fearful epoch in Chester County, as I have gathered
them from the men of the time. They are, indeed, utter trifles,
and may not be of the kind you are seeking. You will therefore
dispose of them, without the slightest hesitation, exactly as you
think proper.

Very respectfully, your most obedient,

William Darlixgtox.

Dr. A. L. Elw/n, Philadelphia.

From a Lady near Westchester.

To Dr. A. L.Elwts.

Esteemed Friend , — Observing by your circular that any little
incident connected with the Revolution, &c., would be accepta-
ble to your Society, l take the liberty to transmit you a few de-
tails. Though trifling in themselves, no doubt they were of
considerable importance to those immediately interested. I pre-
sume you have been informed that Gen. Howe’s troops, anterior
to the battle of Brandywine, on their way to Chadd’s ford passed
North East of your farm, by Strode’s Boarding school, and
Richard Strode’s, at that time the residence of his father, of the

61

same name. There, or at his house, a circumstance occurred
commemorative of the pacific disposition exercised towards the
Society of Friends.. It was related to me by our venerable and
scientific friend, John Forsythe, who was present (he informed
me) at the time of the occurrence. The army making a halt
there, entered the house, when some of the soldiers commenced
their acts of depredation and pillage. Three or four of them en-
tered his sleeping apartment, -went to the wardrobe, and after
doffing their own fantastic habiliments, attired themselves in his
drab clothes, not omitting the short clothes and knee buckles
worn at that period. Completely equipped from head to foot as
Quakers, (to use their accustomed epithet to that profession,)
they came vauntingly forth 10 their companions. They had also
purloined a goodly number of his wife’s blankets. Richard (my
informant related) remained during their depredations apparently
cool and collected. I suppose our venerable friend thought his
conduct very praiseworthy, as he also was a member of that
non-resisting profession. I would not wish to detract from his
unresisting behaviour on the occasion, but in my estimation there
was no other alternative. I suppose General Howe must have
felt the benign influence that it was unjust to encroach upon the
property of an unarmed and unoffending individual, for soon as
he was informed, he conducted the soldiers back to the ward-
robe, and compelled them to disrobe and neatly replace all that
they had taken.

Jacob Ritter, an aged minister of the Society of Friends, I be-
lieve now a resident of Montgomery county, related some oc-
currences of the battle of Brandywine, connected with the history
of himself, that were to us very interesting. A German by birth,
and weaver by trade, his humble occupation, though toiling from
four in the morning until nine o’clock at night, barely afforded
him a scanty subsistence. One day, in the absence of his father,
his mother called him to their humble dinner. “ Mother,” he said,
“ I dosh not want any, tish not good.” She severely reprimand-
ed him. Some soldiers calling soon after, offered him money,
and he accompanied them. His only engagement was at the
battle of Brandywine. It has afforded him since (he observed)
much consolation that he had never killed a man. He chanced
to be in a division that was not called into action. It covered the
retreat. He farther narrated, he was within hearing of the offi-
cers’ expostulations to Washington to let them fight. He replied,
“You must obey my orders, our only resource is to retreat. The
enemy would cut us down to a man.” Gen. Green asked him
how far they must retreat? Washington said, “ over every hill,
and across every river in America, if I order you.” Reduced to
such extremity by the overpowering numbers of the enemy, we
can form little conception of their excited and tried state of feel-

62

ing. Our friend Jacob was after taken prisoner by the British
to Philadelphia. Here he and his fellow prisoners endured great
privations from hunger. Often, he said, was his mother’s hum-
ble dinner presented to his mind. ’Twas here he first felt con-
victions as to the immoral and irreligious tendency of war ; here
that he felt such consolation that he had not been called into ac-
tion and made instrumental in depriving a fellow creature of ex-
istence. During their arrest he saw one of his companions ap-
parently dying for want of nourishment, at the same time
observing a cask within his reach which, upon inspection, he
found contained crackers, and seeing the officers were engaged
at cards, he secretely purloined two or three, and crumbled some
in the poor man’s mouth, which, with a little water, made him re-
vive. Soon after this they were liberated. Some few years since
he was met and recognized by the man whose life he had pre-
served.

A singular coincidence happened at Strode’s Mill not long
since, indicative of that exasperated state of feeling which seemed
to pervade all classes at that critical and imporfant juncture.
Natty Aires, (English,) and Richard Dugan, (Irish,) the former
engaged in the service of the English, the latter in the American
cause, were at that place discussing the reminiscences of the
war. Natty related that a party of American soldiers were re-
treating in the direction of Painter’s Bridge, and he, with the
British were in warm pursuit ; when he espied a rebel (as he
styled him) pinned to the fence by a bayonet. Richard had been
a witness to the same painful scene. Dugan listened until he
had finished his recital, then with furious energy he exclaimed,
“ And did you see that?” All the warlike feelings they had
experienced at that time were rekindled ; they linked togetheras
impetuous combatants, and it was with difficulty they were sepa-
rated.

I was some twelve or fifteen years ago paying a visit at Asher
Miner’s then residing at West Chester, and editor, at that time,
of the “Village Record,” now deceased. Our conversation
chanced to be of the revolution. He informed me he had in his
employment an aged colored woman, named Grace, who, at the
time of that battle, lived with Peter Osborne in the house, since
the property of his son Joseph. He called her in, and I had
from her own lips, the recital of an event calculated to show the
great consternation the inhabitants felt during the battles. Those
persons residing nearest the scene of action resorted to their more
distant neighbors for greater security. At their house they
found it necessary to bake in order that their numerous friends
might have something to eat. Several women were engaged in
making pies. She informed me, at each report of cannon and
volley of musquetry, they would all leave their employment and
fly to the door, perhaps just as they had fixed their under-crust on

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the plate; returning, would place the lid or cover on without put-
ting any fruit in their pie, not being conscious of any mistake
until they came to eat them. The peaceable and retiring in-
habitants were frequently annoyed by foraging parlies, I presume
the general accompaniment of all foreign invaders. Joseph Chey-
ney, an Englishman, not wishing to engage for or against his
country, was secreted for some time in a wood adjoining his
house. His location was about If miles east of West Town
Boarding School. During his concealment his wife was fre-
quentty compelled to supply companies from both armies with
victuals. At the time the English were quartered in Philadel-
phia one of their foraging parties came and drove off all their cat-
tle ; Thomas Cheyney, Esq,, brother to Joseph, went to Valley
Forge in order to get a permit from Washington, for his wife,
Edith, to go to Philadelphia, to obtain from General Howe re-
dress. He very politely remunerated her for their loss. Fearing
to return home with so much money, she observed in the pas-
sage ol the house she had to pass through, a barrel of flaxseed.
Into this a considerable depth she thrust her money ; deeming it
more advisable than to run the risk of taking it home at that
critical time. About a month after, she teturned and found it
safe. Thomas Cheyney, above alluded to, was the man who lost
his hat in his speed to convey to the American army the intelli-
gence that he had seen the British army crossing the Brandy-
wine, and that they were then hastening down to Chadd’s Foid.
Some of the officers he first met were incredulous, but finding
access to Gen. Washington, his report gained credence with him,
and he commenced making ariangements to meet them.

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